Pan Africanism : Post-Colonial Blacks in South Africa

Discussion in 'Black History - Culture - Panafricanism' started by twashing, Jan 3, 2007.

  1. twashing

    twashing Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    Greetings all, it's been a long while since I've been here - good to be black.

    What's it like to be invisible? To have your ideas, opinions, literature, image of yourself, your language negated. This is what I've been unknowingly struggling with my entire life. Only a second reading of "Invisible Man" after University gave me insight as to the situation I was struggling to comprehend. And I've talked about it and talked about it only to get blank stares and eyes rolling. So it came as a breath of fresh air to read the article "Post-Colonial Blacks" by "Mandisi Majavu" in the "Black Commentator". It deals with the de-humanisation of South African Blacks through that country's current literary establishment.

    It's a serious and well outlined commentary on the underlying assumptions informing some of South Africa's top authors and thought leaders. The thesis is that white supremacy still informs White south Africa's standards of normalcy, and its motive for metaphor. A refreshing read.


    Post-Colonial Blacks

    by Mandisi Majavu
    Guest Commentator

    http://blackcommentator.com[/SIZE]


    The following is the edited version of a paper, “Native Club: Where are the Natives? The Black Intelligentsia Today.”

    There is a tendency by those who write books and essays for leading journals to downplay the seriousness of today’s racial oppression in South Africa. This is achieved through silence around issues of race (or by portraying whites as being the new victims of racism meted out by blacks in the new South Africa) or by choosing to explain reality in terms of economics only. This attitude informs and shapes South African political discourse, whether it be through fictional writing or academic writing. This essay aims to interrogate this inclination to downplay white supremacist domination of blacks in post-apartheid South Africa through two forms of writing, i.e. fiction and academic writing.

    For fiction I investigate the racism that informs storytelling in South Africa, and I go further to show how whites are now portrayed as the new victims of racism meted out by supposedly vindictive postcolonial blacks. I interrogate the academic style of writing in search of the reason behind the silence around issues of race and the economism standpoint that tends to inform this style of writing. What this essay is about really, is the representation of my political struggle “...to push against the boundaries.... to find words that express what I see, especially when I am looking in ways that move against the grain, when I am seeing things that most folks want to believe simply are not there.” (hooks, 1992:4)

    The apartheid state might have been defeated, but the project to dehumanise and colonise blacks is carried out through other means, for example, literature. Apartheid infected every apsect of society, from the laws to the economy to mass and literary culture. Even though some elements of apartheid were defeated, literary culture is still an arena for the dehumanisation and colonisation of blacks. And so if one looks at South African literature, one finds that there has been very little change in the representation of black people in fictional work that sells, and which the public at large has access to. To prove my hypothesis I interrogate and criticise Disgrace by J.M. Coetzee.

    I chose to use Coetzee’s work as my case study simply because he is the 2003 Nobel Prize winner for Literature. His novel Disgrace is regarded by mainstream society as a true reflection of post-apartheid South Africa. In some corners of our society, those who do not quite agree that it is the precise reflection of the state of affairs, agree that it is a sound prophecy of things to come.

    South Africa might be a democratic country, but institutionalised racism is still alive and kicking. Much of the academic writing in South Africa either superficially touches on this point, or blatantly downplays institutionalised racism in this country. I review an academic essay which has either influenced or articulately echoed the sentiments of the political discourse in South Africa.

    The essay in question is entitled “From Race to Class Apartheid: South Africa’s Frustrating Decade of Freedom” by Patrick Bond. I chose Bond’s essay mainly because it articulately echos views of many whites and some blacks in South Africa. Also, I chose Bond’s work because he seems to be the authority, in international circles especially, on South African affairs. Further, he is the most prolific political writer in South Africa, and is regarded as a dissident and radical academic by some – especially the mainstream media.

    One of the ways in which white supremacist thinking manifests itself is through the acceptability of a dominant ideological perspective and “credible” voices, which invariably tend to be white voices with the dominant ideological perspective being that articulated by white academics. This, after all, is how the subject of race can be downplayed in a country where the majority of the population is black. My point is this: “The ability of whites to deny nonwhite reality, and indeed to not even comprehend that there is a nonwhite reality (or several different ones), is as strong as any other evidence of just how pervasive white privilege is in this society.” (Wise, 2005:59)

    To echo Steve Biko, I am against the intellectual arrogance of white people that makes them think that they are more informed and better educated, and therefore, better equipped to decide what should constitute a sound political analysis. “I am against the superior-inferior white-black stratification that makes the white a perpetual teacher and the black a perpetual pupil (and a poor one at that).” (Biko, 2004:26) What sustains this destructive relationship is the white supremacist intellectual milieu which happily grants access to white intellectuals above black intellectuals. One has only to visit a bookshop to see who has access to publishing houses in South Africa, and who has access to reputable journals, newspapers and magazines. In a paper for the International Conference on Books, held in Oxford Brookes University in September 2005, Monica Seeber argued that out of the 123 publisher members of the Publishers Association of South Africa, only 21 are headed by a black person at managing director or chief executive officer level. Mind you, this is in a country where you have less than five percent of the population, and that five percent is mostly white, who buy books for purposes other than to pass a school or university exam. Add all the above together, plus the cultural chauvinism premised on the assumption that African narratives are not worth investing in, and what you get as a result is the situation where a white person is a perpetual teacher and the black a perpetual student.

    Fiction Writing: Disgrace by J.M. Coetzee

    As I have stated, my main objective in reviewing Disgrace is to investigate the racism that informs storytelling in South Africa, and, further to show how whites are now portrayed as the new victims of racism meted out by supposedly vindictive postcolonial blacks.

    Disgrace is a multilayered story, told from the point of view of a white man (David Lurie) who is trying to come to terms with being a white male in a postcolonial state. Witness David Lurie, the main character of the story, talking about one of the black male characters (Petrus).

    “In the old days one could have had it out with Petrus. In the old days one could have had it out to the extent of losing one’s temper and sending him packing and hiring someone in his place. But though Petrus is paid a wage, Petrus is no longer, strictly speaking, hired help. …It is a new world they live in, he and …Petrus. Petrus knows it, and he knows it, and Petrus knows that he knows it.”

    This nostalgia for good old days – the colonial era, is what makes the book remarkable and relevant to the topic at hand. It is not only nostalgia for colonialism that makes the book relevant to the topic. Even the language used to talk about the formerly colonized and the African way of life is no different from the language once used by writers like Rudyard Kipling.

    “He [David Lurie] has been away less than three months, yet in that time the shanty settlements have crossed the highway and spread east of the airport. The stream of cars has to slow down while a child with a stick herds a stray cow off the road. Inexorably, he thinks, the country is coming to the city. Soon there will be cattle again on Rondebosch Common; soon history will have come full circle.”

    It is impossible to divorce Disgrace from a global social climate – a climate that is informed and shaped by the notion that postcolonial states fail as soon as whites relinquish power to the natives. Only a former colonizer can write something that reads as follows “…the country is coming to the city. … soon history will have come full circle.” Coetzee stops just short of saying that now that the civilizing whites are no longer in power, what one should expect is violence and chaos. That is the standard representation of postcolonial Africa in the mainstream media. The global perception of Africa is a place where darkness, as it were, never turns into light.

    Disgrace fails to chart new frontiers of ideoscapes, which would challenge and subvert the present representation of postcolonial blacks and Africa in the media, The Novel must be described as being trapped in history, and history as being trapped in the book.

    Depending on from which standpoint you view it, the novel reaches its highest peak or descends into its darkest abyss in its cultural production of postcolonial blacks and Africa, when a white woman is raped by three blackmen. If there is one thing the colonizers always feared losing it is their sexual possession of white women’s bodies. Corpus of literature exist that depict black males as castrated, without phallic power; and as a result of this, black men, in general, are portrayed as having a constant need to overly assert a phallic misogynist masculinity, one that is rooted in contempt for the female, to paraphrase bell hooks. Needless to point out, the rationale that underpins this pathology is the obsession with an idealized, fetishized vision of femininity that is white.

    This is how Coetzee psychoanalyzes the sexual stereotype of a black man as a rapist, in a postcolonial context:

    “Halfway home, Lucy [David Lurie’s daughter], to his surprise, speaks. ‘It was so personal,’ she says. ‘It was done with such personal hatred. That was what stunned me more than anything. The rest was…expected. But why did they hate me so? I had never set eyes on them.’ He waits for more, but there is no more, for the moment. ‘It was history speaking through them,’ he offers at last. ‘A history of wrong. Think of it that way…. It may seem personal, but it wasn’t. It came down from the ancestors.’”

    Further on, David Lurie says to his daughter, “Take a break for six months or a year, until things have improved in this country. Go overseas. Go to Holland. Holland may not be the most exciting of places to live, but at least it doesn’t breed nightmares.” What Coetzee is at pains to paint in this novel is that there is no place for whites in the postcolony. The postcolony breeds nightmares for whites (i.e. violence, chaos and raping of white women). Hence, whites should rather pack up and go back to Europe from whence they came.

    The characters that represent the natives in the book are inarticulate, cannot voice their emotions, and fail to explain their present circumstances through history. Petrus, the black male character in the book, is portrayed as being shiftless, cunning, and untrustworthy. Black women are portrayed as dull, obedient and sexless. Women of Asian descent are shown as mere sex objects. When David Lurie telephones a brothel, he is told that there are “…lots of exotics to choose from – Malaysian, Thai, Chinese, you name it.”

    After forcing himself sexually onto one of these “exotics” at a university where he teaches, Lurie explains his misconduct in taking advantage of an innocent student as follows:

    “It could have turned out differently, I believe, between the two of us, despite our ages. But there was something I failed to supply, something’ – he hunts for the word – ‘lyrical. I lack the lyrical. I manage love too well. Even when I burn I don’t sing, if you understand me. For which I am sorry. I am sorry for what I took your daughter through. You have a wonderful family. I apologize for the grief I have caused you…. I ask for your pardon.’”

    Contrast this to what David Lurie says to his daughter after being raped. He says leave this country, this land breeds nightmares, go to Holland. Notice the racist logic that when it is black men who are doing wrong, the whole country is charged. But when a white man transgresses, the white population is not charged, the land does not breed nightmares for people of color. It is simply a failure to “supply the lyrical." Furthermore, the white man has only to apologize to the family of the young woman, and all is forgotten. Or if there is punishment, the white man is punished on his own terms. Let me allow David Lurie to speak for himself.

    “In my own terms, I am being punished for what happened between myself and your daughter. I am sunk into a state of disgrace from which it will not be easy to lift myself. It is not a punishment I have refused. I do not murmur against it. On the contrary, I am living it out from day to day, trying to accept disgrace as my state of being.”

    The reason that Coetzee can be so bold as to portray David Lurie in a positive light – as being sensitive and ready to repent for his transgression, while the men who raped his daughters are portrayed as vindictive and insensitive natives who go around raping women – is because he knows he is subscribing to white supremacist notions of how black and white subjectivities are constructed in this white supremacist world. For its credibility, the novel depends on racist thinking “which perpetuates the fantasy that the Other who is subjugated, who is subhuman, lacks the ability to comprehend, to understand, to see the working of the powerful.”(hooks, 1992:168)

    Academic Writing

    For my review of academic writing, I have chosen “From Racial to Class Apartheid: South Africa’s Frustrating Decade of Freedom” by Patrick Bond. This article appeared in the Monthly Review, volume 55, Number 10, March 2004.

    To begin with, the title: “From Racial to Class Apartheid,” echoes sentiments of most white activists on the left in South Africa. It is not always malicious intent that drives this thinking, sometimes it is the case of ideological dogmatism, and sometimes this kind of thinking hides a deeper psychological problem – white guilt, or the immobilizing fear of being implicated in the structural oppression of black people. Sometimes it is simply a matter of white activists refusing to account for white privilege. bell hooks has a profound way of explaining how some white activists come to overlook issues of race.

    “….White critics who passively absorb white supremacist thinking, and therefore never notice or look at black people on the streets, at their jobs, who render us invisible with their gaze in all areas of daily life, are not likely to produce liberatory theory that will challenge racist domination, or to promote a breakdown in traditional ways of seeing and thinking about reality.” (hooks, 1990: www.africa.upenn.edu)

    Bond opens his essay by saying: “…Nelson Mandela as the new president – did not alter the enormous structural gap in wealth between the majority black and minority white populations. Indeed, it set in motion neoliberal policies that exacerbated class, race, and gender inequality.” This is a good start and from here the essay promises a broad intellectual framework that touches on class, gender and race. However, as one reads further and looks at the essay closely and critically, one finds that the essay is really about class and some gender issues. The race factor that the author promised to explore is ignored and the reader is instead met with a deafening silence around this issue.

    What underpins the logic of the essay is the following:

    “The reality is that South Africa has witnessed the replacement of racial apartheid with what is increasingly referred to as class apartheid – systemic underdevelopment and segregation of the oppressed majority through structured economic, political, legal, and cultural practices.

    “…The deal represented simply this: black nationalists got the state, while white people and corporations could remove their capital from the country, although continuing to reside in South Africa to enjoy even greater privileges through economic liberalization.”


    At best this argument is the reduction of reality into economics, and at worst, this argument does not provide enough evidence to persuade reasonable readers that, as things stand, South Africa can be described as moving away from race to class. The term “Class Apartheid” is obscure and utterly useless, but the author, make no mistake, used that term to signify to the reader where to put emphasis when looking at South African politics.

    First of all, the logic that went into the ideology of apartheid South Africa was based on class, as well as, race oppression. These two factors were always present. Interestingly enough, we find that these two factors still exist in post-apartheid South Africa, although it must be pointed out that the race factor is not the determining factor in the equation as it used to be in the past. However, that on its own does not mean South Africa is moving away from race to class oppression. If that was the case, there would not be the need to for affirmative action programs, which are designed to counter institutionalized racism. Research has shown that 12 years after liberation white males still dominate management and other empowering positions in the work place.

    “What is reflected here is the concentration of whites at skilled level in skill-intensive sectors. Highly skilled Africans are mostly in the community service sector, which is mainly government and parastatals in transport, storage and communication and electricity, gas and water supply. It is only in the community service sector and the electricity, gas and water supply sectors that the proportion of Africans in skilled categories exceeds that of whites. The electricity, gas and water supply sector also shows a relatively high proportion of Africans in skilled-level categories, although that of whites is still higher. On the other hand, the proportion of Africans is higher within the semi-skilled and low-skilled categories. The conclusion that can be drawn from this is that the government has made better progress as an employer in terms of advancing Africans into high-level occupations, while the private sector seems to be lagging behind.” (Buhlungu, Daniel, Southhall & Lutchman, 2006:205)

    But of course, Bond does not even come close to talking about institutionalized racism like this. The following quote is an epitome of how far Bond is prepared to go when talking about matters relating to race.

    “As a result, according to even the government’s statistics, average black African household income fell 19 percent from 1995–2000 (to $3,714 per year), while white household income rose 15 percent (to $22,600 per year). Not just relative but absolute poverty intensified, as the proportion of households earning less than $90 of real income increased from 20 percent of the population in 1995, to 28 percent in 2000. Across the racial divide, the poorest half of all South Africans earned just 9.7 percent of national income in 2000, down from 11.4 percent in 1995. The richest 20 percent earned 65 percent of all income. It is fair to assume that inequality continued to worsen after 2000.”

    The above describes what Bond calls “Class Apartheid.” His description of this “Class Apartheid” is revealing because of where he chooses to place emphasis in his historical account of the status quo in South Africa. His whole analysis is about how the economy functions without really connecting that understanding to social relations, racial hierarchy and institutionalized racism.

    Also, the essay talks about gender issues (without making any distinction between rich and educated white women and impoverished women of color), as well as environmental issues. Bond writes: “Gender relations show some improvements, especially in reproductive rights, albeit with extremely uneven access. But contemporary South Africa retains apartheid’s patriarchal modes of surplus extraction….” From the above, we are to assume that the “extremely uneven access” to reproductive rights actually refers to the unequal bargaining position occupied by white and black women in this society. However, for Bond this part of the argument is not important and so he does not explore it in depth, but rather drops it and moves on.

    “Moving to the environment, it is fair to assess South African ecology today as in worse condition, in many crucial respects – water and soil resources mismanagement, South Africa’s contribution to global warming, fisheries, industrial toxics, and genetic modification – than during apartheid.”

    Needless to say, this is supposed to be further evidence to prove that South Africa is moving from “Race to Class Apartheid.” What seems to clinch the argument for Bond, however, is the study done by the Institute for Democracy in South Africa. Bond quotes the study as follows: “As a result of this consistent failure to deliver, alienation and discontent are obviously increasing. According to a late-2002 survey conducted by the liberal Institute for Democracy in South Africa, the number of black people who believe life was better under the apartheid regime is growing. Tragically, more than 60 percent of all South Africans polled said the country was better run during white minority rule….”

    Conclusions like these leave so much to be desired. Of course Bond does not disappoint – he neither explains how the research questions were phrased, nor does he seem to question the goal achieved by this research study – meaning a case of reliability achieved at the expense of validity. So, how are reasonable readers expected to accept this as serious evidence to prove the validity of Bond’s argument?

    Conclusion

    What I have attempted to do in this essay is to explore new ways of introducing the subject of race in the new South Africa. What I am demanding in this essay is a new vocabulary to describe reality and the kind of oppression we are up against. I have looked at two different styles of writing, fictional and academic writing, to delineate what the problem is and to explain how the race discourse is systematically ignored and illegitimized in intellectual circles. By looking at these two different kinds of writing, my aim was to investigate ways in which black intellectuals and black activists could effectively intervene and demand a new vocabulary and new voices to tell our stories of social struggle.

    Mandisi Majavu is a cultural critic based in Cape Town, South Africa. Contact him at [email protected].

    http://www.blackcommentator.com/185/185_post_colonial_blacks_majavu.html


     
  2. dustyelbow

    dustyelbow Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    If anything SOUTH AFRICANS can learn from US too,

    In that NO MATTER HOW HARD WE WORK WE CAN NEVER ACHIEVE or CLOSE the WEALTH GAP due to STRUCTURAL SYSTEMS(SLAVERY & JIM CROW) that did not ALLOW US TO ACCUMULATE WEALTH LIKE OUR WHITE CURSED CITIZENS because of something the government and EXPERTS don't want to say with the matter of INHERITANCE.


    ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

    Some thoughts received from Thomas M. Shapiro author of The Hidden Cost of Being African American: How Wealth Perpetuates Inequality

    He states that WEALTH pertuatutes INEQUALITY which DIVIDES the WORLD and the UNITED STATES of AMERICA into HAVES and HAVE-NOTS.

    His book looks at two features mainly:

    INCOME GAPS: which includes jobs, education, retirement, etc

    WEALTH GAPS: which corresponds to INHERITANCE.

    For instance, lets take a black and white family living in the SAME middle class NEIGHBORHOOD. Both parents (black and white) went to the same college and got the same degree, both
    work at the same company with the same salary and benefits, etc the BLACK FAMILY has 25 cents in WEALTH compared to the WHITE FAMILY.

    Why is that?

    According to Shapiro and his RESEARCH its due to INHERITANCE. WHITE FAMILIES receive GIFTS which start out as LOANS and become GIFTS LATER from their OLDER PARENTS or GRANDPARENTS.

    BLACK FAMILIES on the WHOLE do not have this OPTION because they have no INHERITED FINANCIAL ASSETS due to HISTORICAL ECONOMIC REASONS.

    These ECONOMIC REASONS are due to OUR ANCESTORS having IMPOSED RESTRICTIONS and CUSTOMS on ACCUMULATING WEALTH like RACIAL DISCRIMINATION.

    In short, LESS OPPORTUNITY to ACCUMULATE WEALTH DUE to OUR HISTORY and LAWS GOVERNING SOCIETY.

    Want an example


    STUDENT LOANS.

    Returning to our example earlier we have a black and white STUDENTS taking out HUGE LOANS to PAY FOR their EDUCATION for COLLEGE.

    In either case, when BOTH BLACK and WHITE student get a JOB from their ENDEAVOR and their SALARY will NOT MOST LIKELY BE ABLE TO PAY OFF the DEBTS.

    Now, let's say the WHITE student has his PARENTS or GRANDPARENTS that impart a GIFT as a GRADUATION PRESENT to PAY OFF that LOAN then it MEANS that the WHITE student has MORE DISCRETIONARY INCOME to UTILIZE that the BLACK STUDENT who still HAVE the SCHOOL LOAN DEBT.

    That DISCRECTIONARY INCOME from the JOB of the WHITE STUDENT can go INTO a DOWN PAYMENT such as A HOUSE for HIM and HIS FAMILY.

    This is a HIDDEN RACE TAX.

    Asset-poverty Index



    What percentage of American middle class can survive the POVERTY-INDEX?

    Shapiro states that 2 out of 5 middle class American families can survive the ASSET-POVERTY INDEX.

    Racially, out of that ratio, 55% of AFRICAN AMERICAN or BLACK FAMILIES CANNOT SURVIVE POVERTY compared to 26% of WHITE FAMILIES that CANNOT SURVIVE POVERTY.

    In reverse, 45% of AFRICAN AMERICAN or BLACK FAMILIES CAN SURVIVE POVERTY compared to 74% of WHITE FAMILIES that CAN SURVIVE POVERTY.

    FOR POOR UNEDUCATED AFRICAN AMERICANS compared TO WHITES their wealth is 10 cents to EVERY DOLLAR a WHITE FAMILY MAKES.

    FOR MIDDLE CLASS AFRICAN AMERICANS compared TO WHITES their wealth is 25 cents to EVERY DOLLAR a WHITE FAMILY MAKES.

    MIDDLE CLASS WEIGHTY ASSET BACKBONE


    Shapiro claims that 60% of wealth of middle class Americans is HOME EQUITY or HOMEOWNERSIP.

    DOWN PAYMENT BARRIER


    LISTEN BLACK PEOPLE in AMERICA who CARE FOR GROUP PROPSERITY.

    IT DOES NOT MATTER HOW HARD A BROTHER or SISTER WORK.

    IT DOES NOT MATTER HOW HARD A BROTHER or SISTER GETS EDUCATED.

    YOU WILL NOT according to Shapiro CATCH UP TO WHITES.

    IN TERMS of WEALTH, WHITES have it to TRANSFER while BLACKS (US) LARGELY DO NOT.

    GOING SOLO

    In a poll, studied by Shapiro,

    54% of WHITES SAY THEIR MIDDLE CLASS POSITION WAS MADE LARGELY ON THEIR OWN EFFORT without WEALTH TRANSEFER such as GIFTS.

    89% of BLACKS SAY THEIR MIDDLE CLASS POSITION WAS LARGELY MADE ON THEIR OWN EFFORT without NO HELP.


    The reverse:

    46% of WHITES DID NOT MAKE IT ON THEIR OWN and GOT HELP THROUGH INHERITANCE or GIFT.

    11% of BLACKS DID NOT MAKE IT ON THEIR OWN and GOT HELP THROUGH INHERITANCE or GIFT.

    Some Scenerios


    We dont have to look far to know that MANY BLACK FAMILIES cannot take out lets say $50,000 loan from PRIVATE SOURCES to help THEIR CHILDREN GET A HEAD START in SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC MOBILITY.

    Many BLACK FAMILIES are STRIKED OUT DUE TO PAST and PRESENT DICRIMINATIONS, HAVING HIGH CREDIT CARD DEBTS, NOT BEING ABLE TO BUILD A CREDIT HISTORY ETC.

    Historically LEFT TO BE UNEDUCATED and TO NOT ACCUMULATE MONEY A GREAT DEAL DUE TO LAWS and the DICTATES of GREATER SOCIETY.

    Learning from the PAST


    In the BLACK COMMUNITY their is SOME CULTURAL HANGUPS or EXPECTATIONS that CAPITALISM is BAD and GREED is INHERITANTLY EVIL.

    Because of this, WE MAY HAVE MADE THE MISTAKE TO INCLUDE or ENHANCE WEALTH ACCUMULATION IN OUR CIVIL RIGHTS FIGHT.

    According to Shapiro, there are Asset-Development Movements and Policies happening in government on the federal and state level, foundations, etc to begin to accumulate wealth for POOR FAMILIES through HOME OWNERSHIP and INDIVIDUAL ASSET ACCUMULATION FUNDS.

    America's DEMORCRATIC and MERITOCRATIC IDEALS ARE IN JEOPARDY


    Americans in general believe the following noted by Shapiro:

    1) Success based on going to school work etc.

    2) Success by working hard as an adult so that our children will have NO NEEDS like the ADULT did when he or she was GROWING UP.

    Both these concepts ARE BEING REVERSED with the HISTORY OF DICRIMINATION that has and still is TAKING PLACE WITH INHERITANCE increasing MORE and MORE.

    Shapiro leaves off that THIS ISSUE or CONCERN is BEING SWING TO THE SIDE and THREATENS AMERICAN DEMOCRACY.

    A BROTHER based on Shapiro interview already states that many WHITE and probably OTHER FAMILIES will consider it NOT KIND and UNDEMOCRATIC if POOR and BLACK PEOPLE in general organize themselves TODAY with a MOVEMENT to CORRECT SUCH GROSS UNBALANCED SCALES.

    We are already FOREVER CASTED AS SOCIALIST COMMUNIST what ever TERM BY GREATER SOCIETY ANYWAY if we MOVE to CORRECT THIS.

    The PAST CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT is considered by GREATER SOCIETY TOP OFFICIALS as SOCIALIST and COMMUNISTIC.

    ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

    I really hope SOUTH AFRICANS take NOTE and not REPEAT what has HAPPENED to US here in AMERICA.

    Thanks for the ARTICLE.
     
  3. twashing

    twashing Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    Destee, thanks sooo much for getting permission to reprint this article. I think serious study of Black social conditions and solutions can happen here and having the material directly available can be a great asset.

    Cheers
    Tim
     
  4. twashing

    twashing Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    Yeah, we have to fix the problem from here going forward. Maybe the long-term solution to this is more grouping of our monies here (along with consciousness raising). At least the serious ones have a way of networking and sharing real estate / trade or other ideas. Certainly coming together as a group and say working for beneficial estate rights is a good idea and really doable.

    I've read a few threads before, about real estate investment. In this regard, I know that I'm going to be wanting to make some investments in the coming year. I'm just working on a plan for myself. It would be interesting to see if some of us could succeed in work on the planning, execution and apportioning monies from a plan.

    Thanks for your input on this issue.
     
  5. OmowaleX

    OmowaleX Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    Since I am one who has previously incouraged family joint investment in real estate, I applaud your investments. Investing in a growing market and accumulating "home equity" then using this equity for further investment is a lot more profitable than stock and mutual fund investment (I found this the hard way) and there are events grants available for some real estate programs.

    I once worked for a Japanese consulting engineering firm which had a profit sharing plan. A similar model can be utilized for a real estate/development firm which gives members/workers a sense of ownership.
     
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