Discussion in 'Black People Open Forum' started by Goddess Auset333, Jun 7, 2007.

  1. Goddess Auset333

    Goddess Auset333 Banned MEMBER

    Feb 9, 2007
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    Thursday, May 24, 2007
    Letter To Cong. John Conyers
    United African Movement

    Alton H. Maddox, jr. Tel: (718) 834-9034
    Chairman Fax : (718) 834-1275
    16 Court Street
    Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, NY 11241

    May 23, 2007

    Cong. John Conyers
    House Judiciary Committee
    2426 RHOB
    Washington, DC

    Re: Congressional Hearing on Police Brutality

    Dear Cong. Conyers:

    The House Judiciary Committee needs to revisit its 1983 Congressional Hearing on Police Brutality in New York City. Cong. Bennie Thompson, who chairs the Homeland Security Committee, expressed concern about the extraterritorial conduct of the New York Police Department and its use of federal funds to undermine federal-state relationships.

    The Commonwealth of Virginia has had to enact defensive legislation. Similarly, the state of Georgia is considering similar legislation. Similar action provoked the Civil War. While New York, geographically, sits north of the Mason-Dixon Line, its sympathies were with the Confederacy. Blacks, en masse, had to flee New York during the Civil War. Whites refused to fight for the Union.

    While the extraterritorial conduct of the NYPD should be a matter of great concern to the House Judiciary Committee, UAM is particularly concerned about the extrajudicial conduct of the NYPD. The NYPD, in 1983, smelled like a rose compared to the racial mindset of the present department. It operates with the protection of a judicial system which a blue-ribbon commission, in 1991, characterized as “infested with racism.”

    Amid the 1983 Congressional hearing, eleven white members of the New York Transit Police Department fatally beat Michael Stewart after he was observed kissing a white woman before he sought to enter a subway station. The medical examiner initially found “cardiac arrest” as the cause of death.

    It took two grand juries before an indictment could be secured against these police officers. The Manhattan district attorney’s office had never indicted a police officer for killing a person of African ancestry. The district attorney’s office took retaliatory action against me. I was prosecuted on criminal charges but was acquitted by a jury.

    But for the legal efforts of attorneys Louis Clayton Jones, Michael Warren and myself, this beating would have been swept under the rug. You may take a mule to a watering hole but the mule must decide to drink the water. The police officers were acquitted because of a lethargic, criminal prosecution.

    Michael Stewart, with all due respect, was small potatoes compared to the rash of current police killings. Each of these killings is designed to terrorize the general population. Black people are being routinely detained in the streets and searched because of race. Many of these illegal confrontations have led to serious or fatal injuries. The New York Legislature has failed to enact any legislation against racial profiling.

    Amadou Diallo was a victim of police terrorism. He was gunned down on a Bronx Street in front of his home without any semblance of reasonable suspicion. The four, police officers indiscriminately fired their weapons. When the smoke cleared, 41 bullets were spent and 19 bullets hit the target. This was indeed a crime against humanity and an example of police terrorism.

    Once the Bronx district attorney’s office secured indictments against the four, police officers, charging murder in the second degree, the executive branch of state government invaded the judiciary and secured a change of venue from Bronx County to Albany County. This action would remove a Black judge from hearing the case and would, perforce, disenfranchise Black and Latino residents and voters.

    The outcome was predictable. The four policemen were not only acquitted in a foreign jurisdiction but the City of New York, afterwards, treated them as conquering heroes. One of the four police officers had been involved in a prior murder of a descendant of African ancestry. Death squads, acting under color of law, are in operation in New York City.

    I am also sharing with you an enclosed letter that I sent to Cong. Thompson. The circumstances in New York City are grave. The police officers, in the assassination of Sean Bell, will soon be acquitted even though there was no basis for the police confrontation which ended in a 50-shot fusillade.

    I testified before the House Judiciary Committee in 1983 as general counsel for the Black United Front and as co-counsel for the estate of Michael Stewart. I am willing to assist the Committee concerning the NYPD and its unconstitutional interaction with the Black community in particular and residents in general.

    Very truly yours,

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 5:59 AM 0 comments
    Thursday, May 17, 2007
    Letter to Congressman Bennie G.Thompson
    United African movement

    Alton H. Maddox, jr. Tel.: (718) 834-9034
    Chairman Fax : (718) 834-1275
    16 Court Street
    Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, NY 11241

    May 16, 2007

    Cong. Bennie G. Thompson
    Homeland Security Committee
    2432 RHOB
    Washington, DC 20515

    Re: Public Funding of Police Terrorism

    Dear Cong. Thompson:

    The United African Movement is an activist, grassroots organization committed to rooting out white supremacy and police terrorism. It also has been actively involved in most of the racially-charged hate crimes in New York City for the past twenty years.

    Moreover, I am personally fully familiar with the legal structure, the history and practices of the New York Police Department through legal advocacy and through community action. Two words accurately describe this police agency: nepotism and racism. It is institutionally racist and it was established to replace slave patrols.

    This past Sunday, the Daily News expressed your concern about the long arm of the New York Police Department into other jurisdictions. Recently, the Commonwealth of Virginia enacted legislation to check extra-territorial investigations. Georgia is contemplating similar legislation. Congress must follow suit.

    Since the ratification of the Reconstruction amendments, Congress has had a special obligation to ensure that descendants of enslaved Africans are accorded due process of law and the equal protection of the laws. This is a constitutional check on state action. UAM’s concern is the extra-judicial conduct of the NYPD through federal financing.

    Racial profiling is running amuck in New York City. By its own numbers, the NYPD stopped 508,540 persons in 2006. Fifty-two percent of the detainees were persons of African ancestry and 29 percent were Latinos. Blacks constitute approximately 30 percent of the population. Whites constitute a similar percentage of the population.

    Dr. Calvin O. Butts is the senior pastor of the historic Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem. Within a very short distance from the church, a white police officer publicly abused Dr. Butts recently. Neither Mayor Michael Bloomberg nor Police Commissioner Raymond Kelly ordered disciplinary action against the abusive policemen. If a rabbi had been abused, heads would have rolled.

    New York City has a policy of assigning most of its paramilitary personnel in Black communities despite the “War on Terrorism.” In confrontations with descendants of enslaved Africans, any member of the NYPD is empowered to act as judge, jury and executioner.

    For example, the NYPD conducted a pre-dawn raid on the Harlem apartment of a middle-aged woman, Alberta Spruill, while she was preparing to go to a city job. She was unable to survive the attack and the city has refused to disclose the contents of any search warrant. No probable cause existed for this raid.

    Many of these warrantless, police confrontations end up with serious injuries or fatalities. For economic reasons, the NYPD has a “shoot-to-kill” policy. High-powered, police weapons are fired indiscriminately and repeatedly to ensure the death of the target.

    Under New York’s wrongful death statute, the typical, non-surviving Black man has no economic value. This benefits the city in police misconduct litigation. The jury is instructed to refrain from awarding reasonable and compensatory damages.

    New York’s judicial system, which a blue-ribbon commission described in 1991 as “infested with racism” aids and abets any law enforcement official who kills a Black person while, on the other hand, it punishes a law enforcement official who engages in criminal conduct without an intent to kill.

    Compare the assassination of Amadou Diallo with the torture of Abner Louima. Four white policemen, absent probable cause, pumped 19 bullets into Diallo’s body. Twenty-two bullets missed the mark. Diallo’s estate received approximately $2 million. Two white policemen sexually tortured Louima with a broomstick. He received approximately $9 million.

    Mayor Michael Bloomberg has publicly and strenuously announced that Arab profiling will not be tolerated while he is aggressively, pushing a policy of racial profiling in the Black community. The statistics reflect his command. No Arabs has died at the hands of the police and no evidence exists that they are being routinely harassed by the NYPD.

    Crain’s New York Business recently conducted a poll on the NYPD. Most members of historically-oppressed groups believed that the police treat people differently. Race was the determining factor. Forty-three percent of whites also shared this perception. Some experts blame the NYPD’s ComStat system which calls for profiling by zip codes.

    The Geneva Conventions prohibits certain weapons and certain unrestrained conduct on battlefields like what happened to Amadou Diallo. No similar restraints have been imposed on the NYPD and Blacks would be safer on battlefields than they are on New York City streets. Citizens should not have to face the same mindset and military hardware as terrorists and enemy combatants.

    Through its funding of the NYPD, Congress is putting all persons of African ancestry at serious risk in New York City. These anti-terrorism funds are being disseminated to the NYPD without any cheeks and balances. This is police agency which is inherently racist.

    Congress should refrain from continuing to fund the NYPD until the Department of Justice seeks a court order placing the NYPD into federal receivership for being unwilling or unable to exercise its affairs in accordance with the U.S. Constitution. The only visible war on terrorism in New York City is a war on Blacks with no relief in sight.

    Very truly yours,

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 12:08 PM 0 comments
    Thursday, May 03, 2007
    Letter to Christine Quinn
    United African Movement

    Alton h. Maddox, Jr. Tel: (718) 834-9034
    Chairman Fax : (718) 834-1275
    16 Court Street
    Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, NY 11241

    May 3, 2007

    Christine Quinn
    New York City Council Speaker
    City Hall
    New York, NY 10007

    Re: Sonny Abubadika Carson

    Dear Ms. Quinn:

    I was struck by your argument for opposing the addition of Sonny Abubadika Carson’s name to Gates Avenue in Brooklyn. This was a modest proposal to honor him relative to his achievements in this country. You described him as “divisive.” The progressive members of the Black community are unable to share this definition of him.

    The British considered Crispus Attucks as divisive for sparking the American Revolution. New York City has refused to give him his props, however. This is because of his race. He was confronting the British while white men were hiding in the bushes. There should be a statue of him in City Hall Park.

    The use of the term “divisive” to deny our community an opportunity to honor Carson is a false analogy. European slave traders divided our ancestors in Africa. We lost our names, our languages, our cultures, our religions, our relatives, our identities and, ultimately, our self-respect. The harm that my people have suffered is unprecedented, irreversible and perpetual.

    Some of our ancestors were imported into the colony of New Netherland in 1626. Under Dutch law, they were able to purchase land. They did. The City Hall area in Manhattan was once owned by Africans. This ownership continued until the English wrongfully and unlawfully seized it in 1664. The compound interest on the debt is mounting.

    I have been informed that you have threatened to take budgetary action against any “minority” member of the minority-ruled City Council who chooses to vote, on May 9, against the Council Speaker and in favor of adding Carson’s name to Gates Avenue. Plantation politics exists when a white minority is able to rule a majority population consisting of historically-oppressed persons.

    Since Blacks have been effectively disenfranchised in New York City, we must refer to the Declaration of Independence for guidance. Self-help is a legal concept. It is still permissible in New York provided that all participants and witnesses are guided by the teachings of Dr. Martin L. King, Jr.

    Since many of the streets and buildings in New York City, which bear the names of slavemasters, are in the Black community, I doubt if violence is an option. Blacks are now living in a period before the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. There was much upheaval in the streets. We were barred from municipal suites.

    Sixty years ago, Blacks would have torched New York City after the municipal-sponsored murders of Amadou Diallo and Sean Bell. Rebellions are a part of New York City’s history. For example, on August 1, 1943, a white policeman fatally shot a Black military policeman. When the dust had settled, damages exceeded $5 million with 5 deaths and more than 307 persons injured.

    If the Black community chooses to select me to be its spokesperson and negotiator, I will personally remove the name of every slavemaster whose name dons a public street or building in New York City. This action is legal under the Thirteenth Amendment which not only outlaws slavery but also all badges and incidents of slavery. Slavemasters are outlaws under the Thirteenth Amendment.

    Many Blacks are homeowners or they seek to become homeowners. In 1948, the Supreme Court announced that racial covenants have no place in real estate law. The Supreme Court stated in 1968 that Blacks must never suffer again, in this country, any badges or incidents of slavery. Gates Avenue is named after a slaveowner. This is a burden impermissibly imposed on homeowners. Carson was a freedom fighter.

    On May 17, fifty-three years ago, the U.S. Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education. After acknowledging the psychological harm of segregation in public education, the Supreme Court ruled: “In the field of public education, separate but equal has no place.”

    Similarly, under the Thirteenth Amendment, outlaws should enjoy no sanctuary on municipal streets and buildings bearing their names. Their names on these buildings and streets are already causing psychological harm to young Black minds. Carson’s name on any such street or building could only mitigate the harm.

    Very truly yours,

    Alton H. Maddox, Jr.

    cc: Hon. Albert Vann
    Hon. Helen Foster
    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 5:20 PM 0 comments

    Letter to Fox News Channel
    United African Movement
    Alton H. Maddox, Jr. Tel: (718) 834-9034
    Chairman Fax : (718) 834-1275
    16 Court Street
    Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, NY 11241

    April 30, 2007

    Mr. Roger Ailes
    Chairman and CEO
    Fox News Channel
    1211 Avenue of the Americas
    New York, NY 10036

    Re: Tawana Brawley and Alton Maddox

    Dear Mr. Ailes:

    Under the “fairness doctrine” of the Federal Communications Commission and under the Thirteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, I am demanding an equal opportunity to respond to the recent, personal attack by Steven Pagones against my honesty, character and integrity on Fox News Corporation. This character assassination was made in an interview by Sean Hannity. The subject was Tawana Brawley.

    Pagones accurately asserted that I had accused him of being involved in the kidnapping and rape of Tawana Brawley but he failed to mention that a petit jury, in 1998, found that I had not defamed him. This is a matter of public record in Pagones v. Maddox et. al., Index No. 4595 (Sup. Ct. Dutchess Co. 1988). Because of the doctrine of res judicata, I am able to continue to publicly make this assertion with impunity.

    I also said, in 1988, that Harry Crist, Jr., a police officer and Pagones’ friend, was murdered. State Attorney General Robert Abrams, who had access to Crist’s autopsy report, responded, in 1988, that I should be disciplined for lying. Abrams publicly asserted that Crist had killed himself.

    He successfully filed a disciplinary complaint against me concerning Pagones and Crist even though it is legally impossible to defame a dead person. This disciplinary complaint was based on bogus evidence and designed to separate me from the practice of law. I am still suffering from state-sponsored defamation.

    I was finally able to secure Crist’s autopsy report amid the defamation trial in 1998. It showed that Crist had been murdered. Dr. Alexander Aplasca, who examined Crist’s body and completed the autopsy report, testified that it was indeed a homicide and Abrams had never contacted him about his scientific findings. There is no statute of limitations, in New York, regarding murder.

    Hannity mentioned the grand jury report which, Abrams publicly asserted, exposed Tawana Brawley’s claims as constituting a “hoax.” A grand juror subsequently filed an affidavit asserting that the grand jury never found that Tawana’s claims constituted a “hoax.” Arguably, there was no quorum in the grand jury. This is also state-sponsored defamation.

    This grand juror also asserted that Abrams, rather than the grand jury, wrote the report. Article 190 of the Criminal Procedure Law requires that a grand jury report must be wholly written by the grand jury and not by a prosecutor. While Gov. Eliot Spitzer was the state attorney general, he refused to contradict the grand juror’s claim. He has also refused to disclose the Brawley investigatory file to the public and to the media.

    Fox gave Pagones an opportunity to mislead the public and to engage in a personal attack against me in retaliation for my exposing him in 1988. All law enforcement officials, except Abrams, acknowledged that he was a suspect in March 1988 when I exposed him.

    Abrams used the Brawley grand jury to cover-up crimes. The Brawley matter has engendered great public controversy and it is unfair for Fox to have aired only one side of the controversy especially when the side it aired is baseless.

    Very truly yours,

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 3:21 PM 0 comments
    Wednesday, April 25, 2007

    Don’t Call Tawana Brawley’s Name in NYC
    This past Sunday, Black talk radio and Black television programming discussed Don Imus’ derogatory comments without discussing Tawana Brawley. This is like discussing slavery in the United States without mentioning Harriet Tubman. Of course, if you were on the plantation, you knew that the mentioning of Harriet Tubman’s name was taboo.

    One hundred forty-two years after the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, we still have to keep the names of “notorious” Blacks under our tongues. Blacks must never mention Tawana’s name and must never, verbally, attack Steven Pagones. This is plantation life.

    Gov. Eliot Spitzer ordered Rev. Al Sharpton to stay away from his own defamation trial in Dutchess County Supreme Court and, by 1999, virtually all leading Blacks followed suit. Spitzer had hoped that Sharpton’s absence from his own trial would pay dividends for former State Attorney General Robert Abrams, Spitzer’s mentor.

    Whites have employed this tactic to defeat us throughout history and we continue to bit the bait. Fish are smarter. It was hoped that the jury would find against me. Had that been the case, I could be fined every time I mention Pagones’ name. Spitzer is seething.

    The FCC has a “no censorship” rule which even permits racial slurs over the airwaves. This is why leading Black are misleading the Black masses when they take credit for the firing of Don Imus. The operative word is “firing.” When a person makes a racial slur, the station may only transmit a content-neutral disclaimer. A “firing” is illegal.

    Despite the FCC’s no censorship rule, James Mtume of KISS-FM candidly told the audience that I was barred from commercial radio because I would insist on mentioning Tawana Brawley’s name. This Brawley censorship also extends to WLIB-AM, WBLS-FM and WWRL-AM. My rights are rooted in Dred Scott.
    Imus recently inked a five year deal for $10 million annually. He is not about to lose this gravy train. To protect his interest, he retained Martin Garbus who appeared in Pagones v. Maddox et. al. at the Dutchess County Courthouse. He is known as a high-powered lawyer with an expertise in media law. This means that Imus is on sabbatical for five years.

    We must learn to use the correct language. This is the first step in critical thinking. The First Amendment and the FCC clearly favor Imus. Legal reasoning is essential to put Imus in check. Blacks must play their trump card; the Thirteenth Amendment.

    Otherwise, Blacks are simply hallucinating and engaged in unrestrained paranoia like Cho Seung-Hui. Unlike Cho, we are headed back to the plantation for not being able to engage in critical thinking and legal reasoning. No one can advance a position without the ability to craft logical argument. Our mental slip is showing.

    This past weekend, Black spokespersons asserted that they would not permit anyone to “disrespect” Black women. What about raping Black women? Steven Pagones, Harry Crist, Jr. et. al. were involved in the kidnapping and rape of Tawana Brawley. This finding was made by Pagones’ peers in Dutchess County Supreme Court.

    Although a jury of five whites and one Black person found that Pagones was involved in kidnapping and raping her, no Black selected official nor leading Black will point the finger at Pagones. They are simply posturing for the cameras. New York is a plantation and Spitzer is the slavemaster.

    We are more afraid of whites today than our ancestors were of whites in the eighteenth century. I am unable to get an audience with any leading Black about Tawana. A white person wrote Sen. Barack Obama demanding that he call for a federal probe of Durham District Attorney Michael Nifong. He complied. I wrote Obama and I have received no response.

    Gov. Spitzer and State Attorney General Andrew Cuomo are sitting tightly on the Brawley file. No reason explains the continued sealing of the file except Black fear of disobeying white supremacists. This is like living on the plantation and demanding the criminal files of the slavemaster’s son who had raped a Black female.

    Imus’ fate hinges on the Thirteenth Amendment provided Blacks have the courage to raise it as an issue before Congress and the FCC. The Thirteenth Amendment not only prohibits the institution of slavery but also the badges of slavery. Until all badges of slavery are erased, slavery is still in effect. So far, all badges of slavery are thriving.

    No red-blooded white man would allow himself to be gagged while a Black rapist is still on the prowl and white women are his target. They would certainly not permit censorship. It is unthinkable that in 2007 Blacks must be wary about their speech.

    Every Sunday, we must hear empty rhetoric over the airwaves from hallucinating Black spokespersons. Of course, you will never hear the name Tawana Brawley roll from any of their lips. Watch out for the red herrings. Distractions are concocted weekly.

    It was reported on Sunday that several, Black, female police officers in the New York Police Department were called “nappy-headed hos” on or after Don Imus went on sabbatical. The NYPD knows the real deal and is unafraid of any backlash from Black selected officials or leading Blacks.

    The NYPD has an intelligence apparatus and it knows that no leading Black and no Black selected official has the courage to demand justice for Black rape victims like Tawana Brawley or the Duke lacrosse rape victim. It is not a stretch to conclude that if a community is afraid to stand up for a rape victim it can also be intimidated to run away from a Black woman who has been disrespected.

    A bully knows that if you flinch in a stare-down with him, you will always flinch. When Black spokespersons ran from Tawana, they have never stopped running. Their act is tired and they should go somewhere and sit down away from the cameras. Whites have already peeped their cards.

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 2:29 PM 0 comments
    Wednesday, April 18, 2007
    Letter To FCC
    Alton H. Maddox, Jr. Telephone: 718-834-9034
    FAX: 718-834-1275
    16 Court Street, Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, New York 11241

    April 18, 2007

    Mr. Kevin J. Martin
    Federal Communications Commission
    445 12th Street, SW
    Washington, DC 20554

    Re: License Renewal of WABC-TV

    Dear Mr. Martin:

    The United African Movement is a grassroots organization which functions primarily in the tri-state area –New York, New Jersey and Connecticut– with a mission of eradicating all of the badges and incidents of slavery in the United States including racial defamation and racial muzzling of free speech.

    This is also the geographical area in which WABC-TV has been granted an opportunity to use the airwaves. There are no Black-owned television stations in the area and Blacks must depend on the biased decisions of white executives for news, entertainment programming and information.

    Virtually all of these biased decisions are Eurocentric. This decision-making process is worse than Plessy v. Ferguson and it is obviously being achieved in violation of the Thirteenth Amendment. Black people enjoy a constitutional right to participate in the marketplace of ideas. This right has been foreclosed in the tri-state area.

    Because none of the other local television stations also address Black issues, interests, concerns and public service announcements and because Black viewership on WABC-TV provides it with its margin of profit, Blacks are compelled to finance their own oppression.

    WABC-TV seeks to service the Black community through only one program, “Like It Is” which is seen on Sundays for either thirty minutes or one hour depending on the availability of sports programming for whites. This is reminiscent of Jim Crow radio.

    In addition, its budget, resources and personnel for “Like It Is” pales in comparison to white programming like “Eyewitness News Conference” which, on Sundays, only features Black guests when a Black tragedy makes the news. Whites, on the other hand, have unlimited access to the airwaves.

    The personnel of WABC-TV falls far short of reflecting the diversity of the tri-state area. If you watch the station, you would never conclude that whites are a distinct minority in New York City. This happens because WABC-TV has concocted an ongoing plot to keep Blacks out of the television industry.

    UAM demands a hearing on all of the issues that are germane to the criteria for renewing the license of WABC-TV. The number of witnesses that can assist the FCC in administering its responsibilities are countless. UAM awaits your reply.

    Very truly yours,

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 2:50 PM 0 comments
    Saturday, April 07, 2007
    UAM's Eviction Hearing on Monday
    I was able to get a show cause order signed staying a scheduled eviction for March 26, 2007 at the UAM operations at 16 Court Street, Ste. 1901, Brooklyn. The return date on the motion is Monday, April 9, 2007 at 11:00 a.m. at Brooklyn Housing Court, 141 Livingston Street in Brooklyn. Take trains to Jay Street or Borough Hall.

    The landlord has already filed papers indicating that UAM should be out of the building immediately. A headquarters is necessary to conduct the people's business. This is well-known to whites. It would disrupt all UAM activities including the summer program for children and litigation concerning Tawana Brawley and my reinstatement to practice law.

    The other tenants include the Democratic Party and well-publicized, white attorneys representing Blacks in tort claims and claims against the NYPD and making big money including Sean Bell. I am certain that these tenants coupled with leading Blacks associated with the Democratic Party and with the tort lawyers are putting enormous pressure on the landlord for UAM's ouster.

    posted by Attorney Alton Maddox at 7:38 AM 1 comments
    Wednesday, April 04, 2007
    Alton H. Maddox, Jr. Telephone: 718-834-9034
    FAX: 718-834-1275
    16 Court Street, Suite 1901
    Brooklyn, New York 11241

    April 4, 2007

    Sen. Barack Obama
    United States Senate
    713 HSOB
    Washington, DC 20510

    Re: Violation of Civil Rights

    Dear Sen. Obama:

    For seventeen years, I have maintained that the Department of Justice has an important responsibility in ensuring that the conduct of overzealous prosecutors not violate one’s civil rights. This is especially true in the field of legal representation. Prosecutors routinely use their authority to hit competent and zealous defense lawyers, representing unpopular defendants and causes, below the belt.

    The media has reported your support for Rep. Walter Jones’ unprecedented call for a federal probe into Durham District Attorney Mike Nifong’s handling of the Duke lacrosse rape case. A North Carolina grand jury accused three, white, Duke University students of kidnapping and raping a Black female. Supposedly, Nifong delayed the production of exculpatory evidence; namely, DNA, to the defense before trial.

    This conduct, if true, is small potatoes compared to the facts leading up to my illegal and wrongful suspension from the practice of law in New York in May 1990, without any semblance of due process of law. I was representing Tawana Brawley, a victim of police terrorism, who had been kidnapped by white law enforcement officials in New York on November 24, 1987. I was also representing Rev. Al Sharpton pro bono.

    Within two days after Tawana was found, in Dutchess County on November 28, 1987, unconscious, smeared with feces and “******” and “KKK” written on her body, federal, state and local officials were attempting to secure her account of the incident while she was still traumatized.

    It was unknown, to the Brawley family, at the time, that a girlfriend, Hilda Kogut, of one of the assailants, Steven Pagones, an assistant district attorney in Dutchess County, was an FBI agent in charge of the civil rights investigation. This was an obvious conflict-of-interest and it showed that a cover-up was afoot. The disclosure was made in 1998.

    I was unable to agree to represent the Brawley family, pro bono, until after December 12, 1987. In the interim, I did arrange for Tawana to see a gynecologist. She was admitted to the Westchester County Medical Center for tests. The hospital record showed that she had been raped. From these facts, New York would later claim that I had perpetrated a hoax even though I have never met any of the medical personnel.

    Pagones’ arson investigator seized the rape kit from a Poughkeepsie hospital on November 28, 1987. No explanation has ever been made concerning the location of the rape kit. New York State Attorney General Robert Abrams would publicly argue later that even if a white man had enjoyed sex with Tawana Brawley in November 1987, it was not statutory rape. Her sixteenth birthday would not occur until December 1987.

    Within four days after Tawana had been found, Harry Crist, Jr., a police officer, was found dead in his apartment. Law enforcement officials publicly characterized his death as a suicide after suppressing the autopsy report for more than a decade. The identity of the pathologist was also suppressed for more than a decade. This is a federal crime.

    This was an obvious cover-up and Abrams joined in it to protect privileged perps like those in the Duke lacrosse rape case. There was a fear, among Crist’s confederates, that he was mentally unstable and would crack. Tawana would later finger Crist as one of her assailants. Crist had also recently put a .357 magnum to Pagones’ head and threatened to pull the trigger. Pagones never denied it.

    By January 1988, the Dutchess County district attorney’s office knew that it had a conflict-of-interest. Instead of the office removing itself from the grand jury investigation, it established a grand jury trap. If I had cooperated with the prosecutor’s office and if a white postman had not been present in the vicinity where Tawana had been dumped on November 28, this machination might have worked.

    Instead, the postman’s observation, on November 28, gave the prosecutor’s office sufficient information to suspect that Pagones had previously given false information about Crist and Brawley. Pagones had claimed that he, Crist, a state trooper and a friend were not in Poughkeepsie, near Tawana’s former residence, but in Danbury, CT shopping for Christmas gifts on November 28.

    The postman had observed Crist’s car near the Brawleys’ former residence on November 28. The district attorney’s office had subpoenaed the postman in January 1988 to testify about the Brawley’s routine in picking up mail after they had vacated the apartment.

    He volunteered the sighting of Crist’s vehicle in Poughkeepsie on November 28. The prosecutor’s office, in the postman’s grand jury appearance, refused to question him about his observations of four white men in Crist’s vehicle on November 28. The grand jury was defrauded to protect Pagones’ identity. Eventually, the postman was fired from the United States Postal Service.

    Afterwards, Dutchess County Court Judge Judith Hillery wrote a confidential letter to Gov. Mario Cuomo to requesting the appointment of a special prosecutor. In her confidential letter, she noted that Pagones was a suspect. The FBI was also treating Pagones as a suspect. He retained a lawyer and refused to cooperate with the federal civil rights investigation.

    Bill Cosby and Ed Lewis posted a reward on February 11 to ascertain the identity of Tawana’s assailants. Abrams told the media, after the grand jury had been empanelled on February 29, that he knew of no suspect. This was a lie. Gov. Cuomo knew that he was lying. He had received the confidential letter from Dutchess County.

    On March 13, I told the media that Pagones was involved in the kidnapping and rape of Tawana Brawley. This was the first, public accusation against Pagones. Cuomo and Abrams went ballistics. They joined with the white media in demanding that Pagones sue me for defamation. I was not supposed to know of Pagones’ identity.

    Once I fingered Pagones, to counter Abrams’ misrepresentation to the media, the FBI started moving backwards and Abrams came up with a new target for the grand jury. This information is in the FBI files. It shows that the FBI did lay a glove on Pagones in March, and afterwards, put its investigatory transmission in reverse.

    The new mission of the grand jury was not only to discredit Tawana but also to bring myself, attorney C. Vernon Mason and Rev. Al Sharpton under the grand jury’s microscope. Abrams would use the grand jury to bleach Pagones’ involvement in the kidnapping and rape of Tawana Brawley.

    White members of the New York Legislature, without precedent, demanded disciplinary investigations against me and Mason because “[t]he behavior of these individuals ... has made a mockery of the state’s legal system.” The complaint also asserts that the attorneys “have made the judicial process of New York State the laughing stock of the nation and indeed the world .... and if the facts indicate a violation of the Canons of Ethics, they should be punished accordingly.”

    Previously, this same Legislature had honored attorney Barry Slotnick for his competent and zealous representation of subway gunman, Bernard Goetz, who gunned down four, unarmed Black youth on a New York City subway train. This ceremony took place in Albany.

    This political system only gets upset when justice is sought, when the victim is Black and when the perpetrator is white. A Black woman has no right to accuse a white man of kidnapping had raping her and no attorney, afterwards should make a big deal out of it. This has allowed white rapists to go unpunished in interracial sexual assaults.

    In October 1988, Abrams would use the grand jury as a backdrop to; issuing a grand jury report exonerating Pagones; defaming Tawana as perpetrating a hoax; and recommending disciplinary actions against me and Mason and a criminal prosecution against Sharpton.

    He immediately filed a disciplinary complaint against me with the Second and Eleventh Judicial Districts. Initially, the Grievance Committee told the New York Times that any investigation of the disciplinary complaint would violate the attorney-client privilege. This is true.

    Pagones would file a civil complaint against me, Mason Sharpton and Brawley in Dutchess County Supreme. His defamation complaint was modeled on the grand jury report which we would later find out was bogus. Over my hearsay objection, the report was admitted at the trial of the defamation complaint to prove Pagones’ case.

    Tawana was a minor and the defamation complaint against her was never served on her mother nor her father. Everyone filed a notice of appearance except Tawana. New York entered a default judgment against her. This outstanding default judgment has given Pagones the potential pretext, if necessary, to harass her.

    Essentially, Abrams claimed, in the disciplinary complaint, that I had falsely implicated Pagones in the kidnapping and rape of Tawana and that I had lied when I said that Crist had been murdered. Abrams was in exclusive possession of exculpatory materials to refute Pagones’ claim of innocence and to contradict a claim that Crist had killed himself. He refused to stop a miscarriage of justice.

    New York allows for pre-trial discovery in every civil action. An autopsy report is routinely disclosed to a civil defendant early in the civil action. This pre-trial discovery rule was suspended in this defamation lawsuit and for good reason. Ten years later and during the defamation trial, I was finally able to extract Crist’s autopsy report.

    It showed that Abrams had lied when he claimed that Crist had killed himself. The identity of the pathologist was finally disclosed to me. I put him under oath at the trial. He testified that Abrams never contacted him to give grand jury testimony and that Crist had been murdered.

    The pathologist, Dr. Alexander Aplasca, was never given a suicide note nor a weapon allegedly used in the shooting. He found no gunpowder residue on Crist’s hands. When Abrams fashioned the disciplinary complaint successfully suspending me from the practice of law, he made sure that the autopsy report would be suppressed for at least a decade.

    A petit jury in Dutchess County Supreme Court, composed of five whites and one Black female, found, in its verdict sheet, that I had not defamed Pagones. In fact, William Stanton, Pagones’ attorney, asserted that he and Pagones never believed that I had made the accusations without an arguable, factual foundation. Stanton refused to call me as a witness during Pagones’ case. He did call Mason and Sharpton.

    Nonetheless, Justice S. Barrett Hickman ordered me to pay Pagones despite the jury’s verdict sheet finding non-liability. In appointing Justice Hickman to preside over the defamation lawsuit, New York went forum shopping. The voters of Putnam County elected Justice Hickman to the Supreme Court, Putnam County. No reason existed for him to be assigned to hear Pagones’ lawsuit in Dutchess County Supreme Court.

    On September 11, 2000, I found a Brawley grand juror in Boise, Idaho. He signed an affidavit stating that Abrams, rather than the grand jury, had written the grand jury report. This is a violation of Article 190 of the Criminal Procedure Law. He questioned whether Abrams had a quorum when the grand jury voted on the grand jury report and that the grand jury never said that Tawana’s claim was a “hoax.”

    Because a grand jury proceeding is secret in New York, a prosecutor can frame and railroad a person easily, especially under the circumstances herein. This suspension could have never occurred but for the secrecy provisions of New York law. Abrams used these provisions to destroy my reputation and to deprive me of a right to earn a living for seventeen years. Tawana Brawley is also suffering from state-sponsored defamation.

    The Brawley case is far more egregious than the Duke lacrosse rape case. Assuming arguendo that Nifong conduct delayed the disclosure of DNA evidence, this omission never led to a criminal conviction and probable cause certainly existed for the arrest and prosecution of the three students. Moreover, the delay in providing exculpatory material to the defense is a matter that can be addressed by the trial court.

    Amid my pro bono representation of Sharpton in a 67-count indictment in Manhattan Supreme Court, the Grievance Committee for the Second and Eleventh Judicial Districts, which was allegedly investigating Abrams’ bogus complaint, put me in a Catch-22 situation. I could either assist Abrams in convicting Sharpton and save myself or I would take a hit. In short, I was asked to violate the attorney-client privilege and the work product privilege. I refused.

    In 2004, I filed a civil rights action, against the justices of the Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department which governs the discipline of attorneys in Brooklyn. The action is styled Maddox v. Prudenti et. al., Civ. Action. No. 5444 (U.S.D.C.,E.D.N.Y. 2004).

    Judge Carolyn B. Amon was initially assigned to hear the case. I was never given an opportunity to be present during this selection process and I, therefore, strenuously objected to her selection. The selection of a judge may affect the outcome of a case. My objection was sustained.

    Judge Nina Gershon was randomly selected to hear the case in accordance with law. At a pre-trial conference, the defendants claimed that the Rooker-Feldman doctrine was a bar to the prosecution of the case. This issue was fully briefed, by both parties, before Judge Gershon.

    This was the defendants’ only legal objection to the civil rights complaint. It was clear that no legal objection existed to ban my claims. Without an application by either party and without explanation, Judge Gershon, in October 2006, recused herself. This was wrong.

    I was informed through Judge Gershon’s letter that Judge Bryan M. Cogan, without my knowledge, had been assigned to replace Judge Gershon. Judge Cogan, until his judicial appointment to the federal bench in May 2006, had been a law partner of Robert Abrams. I obtained this information through research. It was not made known to me..

    Obviously, I smelled a rat and complained that this assignment was not made in accordance with law and had the appearance of impropriety. I demanded that Judge Cogan recuse himself. I received no response from my objection under Easter District Rule 50.2 (F). Instead, I received a decision dated December 14, 2006 from Judge Allyne R. Ross.

    I was never aware that Judge Ross had been assigned to hear the case. I have a right to be present when a judge is randomly selected to hear the case under Eastern District Rule 50.2(b) and I have a right to know the identity of the assigned judge and the date of the unlawful assignment.

    Judge Ross decided that I had overcome the Rooker-Feldman doctrine, which has generally prevented disciplined attorneys from seeking relief in federal court but Judge Ross found, sua sponte, that I lacked standing. This is a violation of due process. I am entitled to notice and opportunity to be heard. I have never met Judge Ross.

    No one but Judge Ross saw standing as a legal problem. If standing was an issue, I should have been given an opportunity to address this issue after defendants had made a written motion to dismiss my complaint for lack of standing. The defendants know that standing is not an issue.

    This is supposed to be an adversarial system. The judge is supposed to referee the argument of the parties. There was no standing argument. I am the aggrieved party and I clearly have the right, alone, to complain about my suspension. This is the essence of standing up.

    This same Federal District Court, in Brooklyn, has permitted a white felon who is forbidden from practicing law in New York State to practice law in the Brooklyn Federal Court. Another white felon who was convicted of armed robbery was permitted to practice law in New York by the Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department. He has also been admitted to the Brooklyn Federal Court.

    Chief Judge Sol Wachtler was later sentenced to federal prison. He was automatically disbarred in New York after I was permanently suspended from the practice of law. The Appellate Division Second Judicial Department is vetting his application for reinstatement to practice law.

    Similarly, former Westchester County district attorney’s husband, Albert Pirro, was sent to federal prison some time after my suspension. He was supposed to have been disbarred. The Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department recently reinstated him to the practice of law. Jeanine Pirro is his wife.

    My application for the same relief has been denied in state and federal courts. I was the victim of prosecutorial misconduct. I was never given an opportunity to defend my right to continue to practice law in federal court after I was suspended in New York. Instead, I was summarily suspended from the practice of law in Brooklyn Federal Court in December 1990. Judges Jack Weinstein and Charles Sifton dissented on due process grounds.

    In my case, the Appellate Division, Second Judicial Department had previously ruled that I had no right to challenge a disciplinary action even if newly-discovered evidence would show prosecutorial misconduct and my actual innocence.

    The Brooklyn Federal Court has now ruled that I am incompetent to challenge, in federal court, the misconduct which gave rise to my illegal suspension to practice law in New York. The federal and state judicial systems have gone to great lengths to keep the circumstances leading up to my suspension hidden from public view.

    Plessy v. Ferguson is the de facto law on race in the United States. In 1991, a blue-ribbon commission, formed by the New York Court of Appeals, found that New York’s judicial system is “infested with racism.” Despite this serious finding, New York has made no effort to implement any of the recommendations. This state’s judicial system is victimizing Blacks daily.

    Very truly yours,

  2. OldSoul

    OldSoul Permanent Black Man PREMIUM MEMBER

    United States
    May 16, 2002
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  3. Goddess Auset333

    Goddess Auset333 Banned MEMBER

    Feb 9, 2007
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    Beloved Kg OS;:star: :star: :star:

    I remain humble.

    HILY/A:kiss1: :kiss1: :kiss1:
  4. nubian noir

    nubian noir Well-Known Member MEMBER

    Oct 25, 2006
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    This is a great post and it is most inforative. Thanks for posting it.