Black People : Colombia; Gotta Go and Protect the Dope!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Putney Swope

Well-Known Member
Jun 27, 2009
The Militarization of Latin America
Seven US military bases in Colombia

By Prof. Atilio Borón

Global Research, August 28, 2009
Global Research - 2009-08-27

The UNASUR summit in Bariloche, Argentina will have to face two grave problems weighing heavily on Latin America: the military coup in Honduras and the militarization of the region as a result of the installation of not one but seven U.S. military bases in Colombia.

In regards to the first problem, UNASUR ought to demand consistency from Barack Obama with respect to his statements in support of a new era of inter-American relations. As has been emphasized on numerous occasions, the coup is a test balloon to check the reactions of the peoples and governments of the region. And that it happened in Honduras is precisely because that is the country most intensely subjected to the ideological influence and political dominance of Washington.

With OAS negotiations having failed, Washington has proceeded to suspend the issuance of visas to Honduran citizens, a very lukewarm measure but an indicator of the fact that it is taking note of the prevailing political atmosphere in the region. But Obama ought to do much more, and abandon the fallacious argument he expressed a several days ago when he referred to the contradiction that critics of imperialism enter into when they demand that the U.S. intervene in Honduras. It is “ironic," Obama said on that occasion, “that the people that were complaining about the U.S. interfering in Latin America are now complaining that we are not interfering enough”.

We know that Obama is not very well informed about what his military and civilian subordinates do, not to mention his intelligence services. But he ought know, because it is so basic, that the U.S. has been intervening in Honduras since 1903, the year in which for the first time U.S. Marines landed in that country to protect North American interests in a moment of political crisis. In 1907, on the occasion of war between Honduras and Nicaragua, U.S. troops were stationed for three months in the cities of Trujillo, Ceiba, Puerto Cortes, San Pedro Sula, Laguna, and Choloma. In 1911 and 1912 they repeated the invasions, in the later case to prevent the expropriation of a railroad in Puerto Cortes. In 1919, 1924, and 1925 imperialist expeditionary forces again invaded Honduras, always with the same pretext – protect the lives and property of North American citizens residing in the country. But the largest invasion occurred in 1983 when, under the direction of a sinister figure, Ambassador John Negroponte, the huge base of operations was established from which the U.S. launched its reactionary offensive against the Sandinista government and the Salvadoran Farabundo Marti guerrilla movement. Obama can not ignore this nefarious history and ought to know that the coup against Zelaya was only possible due to the acquiescence of his government. What is being asked is that the U.S. stop its intervention, that it withdraw its support for the coup government, the only thing keeping it in power, and thereby facilitate the return of Zelaya to Tegucigalpa. The White House has at its disposal many economic and financial tools with which to discipline its ally. If it does not do so it because it does not want to, and the governments and peoples of Latin America will reach their own conclusions.

In relation to the second problem, the U.S. bases in Colombia, the following must be said. First of all, the U.S. empire does not maintain 872 bases and military missions spread across the length and width of the planet so that its troops can experience the delights of multiculturalism or breathe fresh air of life. It maintains them, at enormous cost, Noam Chomsky has said on numerous opportunities, because they are the principal instrument in a plan of global domination comparable only to that which obsessed Adolf Hitler in the 1930s. To think that those troops and weapons systems are based in Latin America for some reason other than to insure the territorial and political control of a region that experts consider the richest on the planet in terms of its natural resources – water, energy, biodiversity, minerals, agriculture, etcetera – would be unforgivably stupid. These bases are the front-line of a military aggression that may or may not occur today or tomorrow, but will certainly occur when the imperialists consider it convenient. For this reason, UNASUR ought to forcefully reject their presence and demand the suspension of the installation of these bases. And furthermore, it should make clear that this is not an “internal matter” of Colombia – no one in their right mind can invoke rights of national sovereignty to justify the installation in their territory of troops and military equipment which can only bring destruction and death to its neighbors. During the 30 year that Hitler rearmed Germany, the U.S. and its allies screamed to the high heavens, knowing that the next step would be war, and they were right. Why should it be any different now?

Secondly, as long as Uribe is president of Colombia there will be no solution to this problem. He knows, as does the entire world, that the U.S. has been putting together a growing dossier in which he is classified as a narcotrafficker and accomplice to the crimes of the Colombian paramilitaries. In 2004, the National Security Archives released a 1991 document in which the U.S. accused the then-Senator Alvaro Uribe Velez of being one of Colombia’s principle narcotraffickers, ranking him number 82, just behind Pablo Escobar Gaviria, the head of the Medellin cartel, who ranked number 79. The report, which can be read at, makes clear that the now president of Colombia “was dedicated to collaboration with the Medellin cartel at high government levels. Uribe was connected with a business involved in narcotics activities in the U.S. His father was murdered in Colombia for his connection to narcotics traffickers. Uribe has worked for the Medellin cartel and is a close personal friend of Pablo Escobar Gaviria … (and) was one of the politicians who, from the Senate, has attacked all forms of the extradition treaty.” As a result, Uribe has no margin of freedom to oppose any request coming from Washington. His role is to be the empire’s Trojan Horse and he knows that if he opposes that ignominious duty his fate will be no different than that of another Latin American figure, also a president, Manuel Antonio Noriega, who having completed the mission that the White House had set out for him was arrested in 1989 after a devastating U.S. invasion of Panama and was condemned to 40 years in prison for his connection with the Medellin cartel.

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Oct 4, 2009
owner of various real estate concerns
Cocaine plane trail is open challenge for Obama administration

Posted by Bill Conroy - January 11, 2009 at 8:05 pm A twin-propeller Cessna 402C aircraft was seized near Carepa, Colombia, just across the border from Panama in mid-December of last year while it was in the process of attempting to transport about 850 kilos of cocaine to a suspected destination in Central America — and an ultimate arrival point in the United States.

The story was not reported in the United States, but rather appeared as a short item in news publications in Panama and the Dominican Republic. The Cessna, according to those news reports, had flown out of an airport in Panama to pick up the payload of white powder in Colombia.

This incident would likely have gone down as simply one more aborted drug run in the trail of thousands that bring the lucrative product to the U.S. each year if it were not for one small fact: the Cessna sported a U.S. tail number and FAA registration history that connect it to a number of other “cocaine planes” that have apparent links to covert U.S. intelligence operations focused, at least in part, on Venezuela and the government of Hugo Chávez.

To trace the trail of this Cessna, it’s necessary to keep a couple numbers in mind, since they are the keys that open up this Pandora’s box. The first is the tail number, N811PW and the second is the aircraft’s unique serial number, 402C0078 — which is referenced specifically in the story published in the Dominican Republic newspaper Diario Horizonte [Daily Horizon].

With those numbers in hand, Narco News requested from the Federal Aviation Administration the full registration history of the Cessna 402C and discovered that just prior to the date it was seized in Colombia (December 13, according to the report in the Panama news publication La Prensa), the Cessna was owned by a Floridian named Roberto Gomez — who changed addresses in the state three times in the three years he owned the aircraft.

Gomez, for his part, says he can't talk about the Cessna because there are still "questions pending on it." Gomez claims he is a simple airplane broker and added that the "area [Venezuela] is very hot."

He declined to answer whether the feds are investigating or talking to him about the seizure of the drug-laden Cessna in Colombia.

Gomez purchased the Cessna in June 2005 from a Rantoul, Kansas, aircraft salvage company named Dodson International Parts Inc., the FCC records show.

However, in a stroke of good fortune for Gomez, on Dec. 12, the day before the Cessna was seized on its cocaine-running mission, the FAA confirmed its deregistration due to the fact that it had been sold to buyers in Venezuelan. That curious coincidence is compounded by the fact that the same pattern of a U.S. registered aircraft being sold just prior to it getting busted in a drug run plays out in a number of other cases that Narco News has investigated over the past year.

Here’s the list of such adventures:

• In April 2006, a DC-9 jet owned by a Florida company (Royal Sons Inc. of Clearwater) was apprehended in Mexico with 5.5 tons of cocaine onboard only days after it was sold to unknown Venezuelan purchasers. The passenger-class jet with tail number N900SA was acquired by Skyway Communications Holding Corp., the parent company of Skyway Aircraft Inc. in Clearwater, Fla., in November 2004 and later sold to Royal Sons — whose president was a shareholder and major creditor in Skyway Communications. Skyway Communications’ CEO, James Kent, according to U.S. Security and Exchange Commission records, served previously in a number of government contract positions supporting national communications and intelligence projects for the Department of Defense, the National Security Agency and the Department of the Navy.

• A Gulfstream II corporate jet crashed in Mexico’s Yucatan in late September 2007 with some 4 tons of cocaine onboard. The jet’s tail number, N987SA, has been linked by European investigators to past CIA rendition flights and it was owned just prior to its crash landing by a Florida duo named Clyde O’Connor and Greg Smith. O’Connor and Smith purchased the ill-fated Gulfstream II, according to a bill of sale, about a week before it crashed from a Florida company owned by two Brazilians — one of whom was Joao Malago.

• Another Florida company, also called Skyway Aircraft Inc. but based in St. Petersburg, exported a total of at least nine aircraft to Venezuela buyers between October 2003 and January 2008, two of which were later linked to drug-running operations (and one of which, when apprehended, was sporting a false tail number linked to the CIA). The owner of Skyway Aircraft in St. Petersburg, Larry Peters, is a business partner with Joao Malago in another Florida company called Atlantic Alcohol. Both companies operate out of the same office in St. Petersburg, according to public records. Another principle of Atlantic Alcohol holds a government security clearance and has worked as a consultant for NASA and the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

But the intersection of cocaine planes, businesses and government operations does not end with those facts. The recent apprehension of the drug-laden Cessna 402C brings yet another company into the picture.

Harvesting Parts

The Kansas company Dodson International Parts, which sold the Cessna cocaine plane to Gomez, has also done business with one of the owners of another cocaine plane linked to U.S. intelligence agencies.

Clyde O'Connor, who owned the Gulfstream II when it crashed with 4 tons of cocaine on board in Mexico in 2007, previously owned another jet, a Hawker corporate jet that was used by CIA asset Baruch Vega in covert missions targeting narco-traffickers in Colombia in the late 1990s.

The co-owner of the Gulfstream II jet, Greg Smith, owned the Florida company (Aero Group Jets) that leased the Hawker to Vega. Smith also served as a pilot for numerous undercover and/or covert U.S. government missions involving the jet, according to Vega.

The Hawker business-class cruiser, with the tail number N230TS, FAA records show, was bought and sold total of five times between Feb. 9, 2001, and June 16, 2005, through a series of three companies in which O’Connor is listed as an officer or “member.” In other words, O’Connor was essentially moving the Hawker jet back and forth between companies he controlled, according to the FAA records.

Information on where the Hawker jet was during the four years that O’Connor’s various companies owned it was not available.

However, in June 2005, one of the those companies, O’Connor’s Core Investments, sold the Hawker to Dodson International Parts, FAA records show. By coincidence, that is the same month and year that Gomez acquired the Cessna from Dodson International.

Dodson International emerged from a Chapter 11 bankruptcy reorganization in December 2004, court records indicate. It lists as one of its affiliates a company called Dodson Aviation. The president of both companies is Robert Dodson Jr., according to the bankruptcy court records.

Dodson Aviation made headlines back in 2004 in relation to another jet that it sold to some African purchasers.

The Kansas City Star reported at the time:

A Rantoul, Kan., firm says it faxed to the American Embassy in South Africa on Wednesday sale documents for an airliner seized by Zimbabwe authorities claiming it ferried mercenaries.

The nearly 40-year-old plane was seized by President Robert Mugabe's forces on Sunday. The government says that instead of carrying just a crew of seven as claimed, the plane had 64 persons aboard along with supplies that might be construed as military material.

A tail number from the plane suggested that it was registered in the United States to Dodson Aviation in Rantoul. The company, however, said the federal registry is lagging behind its sale of the Boeing 727-100 turbo jet.

ot;>Company director Robert Dodson Sr. [Robert Dodson Jr.’s father] said the sale was completed March 1, after weeks of negotiations with Logo Logistics Co., a firm he believed to be a South African diamond mining company.

Subsequent reports in the foreign press indicate that former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s son, Mark, was implicated in the plot — which was intended to overthrow the government of Equatorial Guinea. Mark Thatcher pleaded guilty in South Africa in 2005 to charges related to the aborted coup d’état and received a four-year suspended sentence as part of a plea bargain.

Dodson International Parts President Robert Dodson Jr. says his company is a legit airline salvage company. He says it buy planes and parts them out for the most part, about a 100 a year, and maybe sells four or five planes a year — so aircraft sales are a small part of the business.

Dodson also says he doesn't recall the particulars of the sale of the Cessna to Gomez, though he did not dispute the fact that Dodson International did own and eventually sell that aircraft. As far as the Hawker jet Dodson acquired from O'Connor, Dodson says it has since been harvested for parts.

"That Hawker was repossessed by a bank, or at least it was being forced into repossession, and we got it from the bank, and we parted it out," he says.

Finally, Dodson addressed the plane seized in Zimbabwe by saying his company bought the Boeing 727 through a bid process via the U.S. General Services Administration and then resold it to a South African company called Logo Logistics, which said it planned to use the aircraft to transport security personnel for mining operations. After the plane was sold to Logo, but before the FAA had updated the records, Dodson says, it was seized in Zimbabwe “and the next thing we know is it [the aircraft] is involved in some kind of coup attempt.”

However, Vega, who has been involved with covert and undercover missions for not only the CIA, but DEA and the FBI as well, claims Dodson has a history of being "involved in U.S. government operations.”

Another interesting revelation that reverberates with the echoes of covert U.S. intelligence operations is Dodson’s confirmation that he operates a separate company in Arkansas called Mena Aerospace Inc., located at the Mena Intermountain Municipal Airport.

In fact, one plane-spotter Web site even spied an aircraft owned by Dodson International on the runway of the Mena airport in 2006. That aircraft is currently registered to Dodson International, according to FAA records, but was owned in the early 1990s by Ariana Afghan Airlines.

The Mena airport has been the subject of much controversy over the years, since it allegedly served as a drugs and arms transshipment point for the covert U.S. intelligence agencies’ effort (popularly known as Iran/Contra) to overthrow the Sandinista government in Nicaragua in the 1980s.

But again, Dodson insists the company he operates in Mena has only one purpose.

“Mena Aerospace is a maintenance company in Arkansas, where we have access to a big runway to park large jets, so we can harvest parts,” Dodson says. “The company is still open, with about four employees. But it’s a separate company [from Dodson International].

Ongoing Operation

Clearly, the cloak-and-dagger/plausible-deniability intrigue that surrounds the question of whether the CIA and other U.S. intelligence agencies are, in fact, players in the narco-trafficking business leaves most folks feeling like they are trying to find their way through a house of mirrors.

But over the years, more than one employee in this fun house has come forward out of as sense of conscience or self-preservation to sort out the maze. Normally, attempts are made to quickly discredit these individuals, often through character assassination or trumped up charges.

One such individual is Tosh Plumlee, who has been accused of everything from cashing bad checks (a charge he claims is bogus) to being a crackpot or even a CIA disinformation agent — when his information doesn’t jibe with the pundits of the conspiracy-theory media cult.

But the public record shows that some members of the U.S. Congress have taken seriously Plumlee’s allegations concerning CIA and Pentagon drug-running operations.

Plumlee is a former CIA contract pilot who claims to have delivered thousands of kilos of cocaine a month into the United States in the early 1980s while working as part of the covert Iran/Contra operation. After he became troubled by his mission (not out of patriotism, he says, but out of the fear he would be set up by his employers), Plumlee contacted then-U.S. Senator Gary Hart and blew the whistle on the covert operation.

The following is from a letter sent by Hart in 1991 to U.S. Sen. John Kerry:

In March of 1983, Plumlee contacted my Denver Senate Office and met with Mr. Bill Holen of my Senate Staff. During the initial meeting, Mr. Plumlee raised certain allegations concerning U.S. foreign and military policy toward Nicaragua and the use of covert activities by U.S. intelligence agencies. … He stated that he had grave concerns that certain intelligence information about illegal arms and narcotics shipments were not being appropriately acted upon by U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies. Mr. Plumlee’s stated purpose in contacting my office was to attempt to initiate a congressional investigation of these allegations.

…. Mr. Plumlee raised several issues including that covert U.S. intelligence agencies were directly involved in the smuggling and distribution of drugs to raise funds for covert military operations against the government of Nicaragua. He provided my staff with detailed maps and names of alleged covert landing strips in Mexico, Costa Rica, Louisiana, Arizona, Florida and California where he alleged aircraft cargoes of drugs were off-loaded and replaced with Contra military supplies.

Plumlee was eventually called to testify before Congress on a number of occasions, only to find that the Congressional committees hearing his testimony ordered it classified — which meant if Plumlee later spoke about it publicly, he would be violating the law. And as history has shown, Congress failed to do little more than blow smoke over the Iran/Contra scandal and to this day — despite the detailed investigative reporting of journalist Gary Webb in his Dark Alliance series —the dirty little secret of narco-trafficking by U.S. intelligence agencies is considered the stuff of whacky conspiracy theories by the mainstream media.

Despite the risk of crossing the line with respect to violating his now-classified truth telling, Plumlee appeared on former DEA agent Mike Levine’s New York radio show in 2003 and offered listeners the following warning concerning what

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