Pan Africanism : China unfolds five point agenda for africa

Discussion in 'Black History - Culture - Panafricanism' started by Therious, May 9, 2006.

  1. Therious

    Therious Banned MEMBER

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  2. NNQueen

    NNQueen going above and beyond PREMIUM MEMBER

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    Very interesting article Brother Therious. Looks like China is courting only Nigeria though. I'm not that astute when it comes to foreign relations or economic trade so I'm curious as to what others who are think about this potential China-Nigeria partnership. For a while, China was known for not having a good human rights track record. Don't know if that's still the case and I'm not familiar with Nigeria's record relative to human rights either.
     
  3. militant

    militant Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    Well, its good you asked. I think you are jumbling things together. What has human rights got to do with all this? There isnt always a negative spin to progress. By the way, which African country is good enough for them to court? White dominated South Africa?

    According to China's calculations, Nigeria, at 150 million, is the "leader of the black african world", with oil and influence over many African nations. China is a well known giant in its own right. Bag Nigeria, you Bag Oil, and a doorway into many African nations. Especially as the African Union is far from democratic but is rather a theater for African regional powers to play in. So why interact with AU, when you can go directly to the main countries driving the AU.

    And its not only China. On the economic front, Brazil has done alot of courting lately. Including renovating and renaming a historic slave building after Nigeria (Given the origing of some brazilian slaves). On the military front, North Korea offered Nigeria nuclear weapons before they were forced to withdraw by America. So has Pakistan, and lately Iran offered Nigeria joint ventures for nuclear technology.
     
  4. I-khan

    I-khan Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    from my post on pg4 on this:http://destee.com/forums/showthread.php?t=42052&page=4, and section

    China in Africa - the new imperialism?
    Stephen Marks (2006-03-02)

    From oil fields in Sudan to farms in Zimbabwe, China’s
    presence in Africa can be seen and felt everywhere. In
    recent times, writes Stephen Marks, China’s
    relationship with Africa has shifted from Cold War
    ideology to a more classical pursuit of economic
    self-interest. But its not all negative – as the
    global economic giant bulges, opportunities also arise
    for Africa.


    China’s increased presence in Africa is part of a
    wider effort to ‘create a paradigm of globalisation
    that favours China’ [1]. In the past China’s African
    presence benefited from a shared history as an object
    of European imperialism and its ideological commitment
    to anti-imperialism and national liberation. China’s
    declared principles of respect for national
    sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs
    appealed not only as a contrast with the suspect
    motives of former colonial powers, but for less
    elevated reasons to rulers threatened with internal
    dissent.

    But more recently China’s policy has shifted from Cold
    War ideology to a more classical pursuit of economic
    self-interest in the form of access to raw materials,
    markets and spheres of influence through investment,
    trade and military assistance - to the point where
    China can be suspected of pursuing the goals of any
    classical imperialist.

    The new orientation found institutional expression in
    the first China-Africa Co-operation Forum held in
    Beijing in 2000 - a mechanism to promote diplomatic
    relations, trade and investment between China and
    African countries. In the same year, China-Africa
    trade passed $10bn for first time [1]. By 2003 it
    reached $18.5bn. According to some estimates it is on
    course to reach $30bn this year [2]. More recent
    Chinese estimates claim that it is already approaching
    $40bn [3].

    By 2004, nearly 700 Chinese companies were operating
    in 49 African countries [4]. The December 2003 Forum
    in Addis Ababa, attended by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao
    and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, attracted 250
    African businessmen and 150 from China.

    The earlier ‘ideological’ phase of Chinese-African
    relations was part of a global strategy which by the
    mid-70s saw some 15,000 doctors and over 10,000
    agricultural engineers from China serving all over the
    ‘third world’. In Africa China undertook ambitious
    infrastructure projects such as the Tanzam railway
    between Tanzania and Zambia, in parallel with a
    Western-financed road system. Chinese influence was
    also promoted through provision of technical
    expertise, doctors, scholarships and aid. Today over
    900 Chinese doctors still work in African countries
    [5]. Military assistance was concentrated on
    ideological allies [including at different times
    Ethiopia, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia]. By 1977 trade
    with Africa reached a record $817m [6].

    China’s aid policy

    There are areas of continuity with earlier Chinese
    policy however. Low-interest loans have been extended
    at non-commercial rates, and leveraged a second time
    or forgiven at China-Africa Cooperation Forums -
    earning China diplomatic support at the UN [eg over
    Taiwan].

    Chinese medical, agricultural and engineering teams
    continue to operate in many African countries.
    ‘Since 1963, some 15,000 Chinese doctors have worked
    in 47 African states treating nearly 180 million cases
    of HIV/AIDS. At the end of 2003, 940 Chinese doctors
    were still working throughout the continent. Beijing
    prefers technical support over financial aid to
    African countries for obvious reasons. Financial aid
    stretches resources and diverts capital from
    significant needs at home, therefore investments in
    trade and projects that have a chance at providing
    returns are more popular than direct aid and loan
    programs.’ [1]

    The continued emphasis on educational opportunities
    and the provision of expert assistance helps in
    identifying China as a paradigm of ‘soft power’. But
    the 15,000 African students who have studied in China
    since independence [6] have obviously brought China
    some commercial as well as political returns.

    China’s economic role

    ‘Almost every African country today bears examples of
    China's emerging presence, from oil fields in the
    east, to farms in the south, and mines in the center
    of the continent. According to a recent Reuters
    report, Chinese-run farms in Zambia supply the
    vegetables sold in Lusaka's street markets, and
    Chinese companies - in addition to launching Nigerian
    satellites - have a virtual monopoly on the
    construction business in Botswana’. [2]

    ‘The 674 Chinese state companies involved in Africa
    have invested not only in booming sectors such as
    mines, fishing, precious woods and telecommunications,
    but also in others that the West has neglected, even
    abandoned, as less profitable. As a result, Zambia’s
    Chambezi copper mines are being worked again and
    supposedly exhausted oil reserves in Gabon are being
    explored. In 2004 Chinese investments represented more
    than $900m of the $15bn of foreign direct investment
    (FDI) in Africa. Of the thousands of projects under
    way, 500 are being exclusively directed by the China
    Road and Bridge Corporation, a state enterprise,
    helping to place 43 Chinese companies among the 225
    global leaders in the area. In Ethiopia China is
    involved in telecommunications; in the Democratic
    Republic of Congo it has done work for Gecamine, the
    state-owned mining company; in Kenya it has repaired
    the road linking Mombasa and Nairobi; and it has
    launched Nigeria’s first space satellite. As an
    incentive to Chinese nationals, eight African
    countries have been officially designated tourist
    destinations.’ [6]

    For China, Africa represents:

    - A key source of raw materials, especially crude oil
    of which China is now the world’s second largest
    consumer, with over 25% of its oil imports coming from
    Sudan and the Gulf of Guinea [6].

    According to Chinese Customs figures reported by the
    BBC in January 2006, in the first 10 months of 2005
    trade between China and Africa rose by 39% to over
    $32bn, largely fuelled by imports of African oil,
    mainly from Sudan. According to the US Energy
    Information Administration [EIA] China accounted for
    over 40% of the total growth in global oil demand over
    the past four years. [7]

    - A market for cheap Chinese-made products.

    - Opportunities for investment in infrastructure
    [hydro-electric plants, pipelines, factories,
    hospitals]
    especially in potential markets where western firms
    are deterred by political considerations such as
    sanctions or political instability.

    Indeed, where Western firms may be deterred by
    domestic pressures from NGO’s or by the impact on
    corporate image of a connection with repressive or
    corrupt regimes, China benefits by a ‘double whammy’ -
    its freedom from such pressures makes it a more
    attractive partner for some regimes, and the absence
    of competition from Western multinationals creates the
    possibility of larger profits. [1]

    Sudan

    ‘China, through the China National Petroleum
    Corporation (CNPC), is the most visible and
    significant investor in Sudanese oil exploration,
    transportation and production infrastructure. These
    investments enabled Sudan to begin exporting oil in
    1999 and eventually become a net oil exporter. Though
    Sudan's current production capacity of 310,000 barrels
    per day (bpd) is relatively insignificant compared to
    the global production of approximately 82 million bpd,
    its product is of a high quality. Such so-called
    "light-sweet crude" is in short supply in global
    markets, and sells at a premium over Middle Eastern
    crude which has a higher sulphur content. China's
    investment in Sudanese oil production capacity has
    resulted in Sudan's output now amounting to five
    percent of China's total imports. Significantly, China
    is Sudan's single largest customer of oil, taking over
    half of Sudan's exports in 2003.’ [1]

    Though China won its original oil exploitation bid in
    Sudan in 1995, it was Washington’s decision to cut
    ties two years later which gave China its opportunity
    to step in. While Washington still maintains partial
    oil sanctions against Sudan, China has become Sudan’s
    biggest trading partner, taking 60% of the country’s
    oil exports, amounting to 9 per cent of China’s total
    oil needs.

    “We started in Sudan from scratch” said Li Xiaobing, a
    Chinese Trade Ministry deputy director dealing with
    Africa. “When we started there, they were an oil
    importer, and now they are an oil exporter. We've
    built refineries, pipelines and production." He
    dismissed a question about Sudan's human rights
    record, saying, "We import from every source we can
    get oil from." [8].

    In return China has used the threat of its Security
    Council veto to stall or dilute resolutions on Darfur.
    According to China’s assistant Foreign Minister Zhou
    Wenzhong: “I think the internal situation in the Sudan
    is an internal affair, and we are not in a position to
    impose upon them.”

    This combination of infrastructure investment, trade
    and political support at the UN constitutes what has
    been called a ‘complete package’[5].

    The favour is reciprocated. According to Awad al-Jaz,
    Sudan’s Energy and Mining Minister, “the Chinese are
    very nice. They don’t have anything to do with
    politics or problems. Things move smoothly,
    successfully”[5].

    Angola

    China’s ability to offer a complete package free of
    extra-commercial conditionality is also illustrated by
    Angola, now China’s second-largest trading partner in
    Africa, which buys 25% of its oil production.[6]

    At the end of 2004 the Chinese export bank Eximbank
    approved a $2bn credit for rebuilding infrastructure
    destroyed in the civil war. In return China would
    receive 10,000 barrels of oil a day.

    The line of credit - at 1.5% over 17 years - might
    look disadvantageous to China in the short term, but
    Chinese companies will secure the lion’s share of
    lucrative contracts for national reconstruction. Local
    people are unhappy. As independent economist José
    Cerqueira pointed out: “There is a condition in the
    loan that 30% will be subcontracted to Angolan firms,
    but that still leaves 70% which will not. Angolan
    businessmen are very worried about this, because they
    don’t get the business, and the construction sector is
    one in which Angolans hope they can find work.” [6]

    The availability of the Chinese loan is believed to
    have encouraged Angola to resist pressure from the IMF
    and Western countries to improve the transparency of
    its oil sector and make other reforms in what has been
    described as Africa’s most corrupt country. A planned
    donors’ conference was postponed in mid-2005. But
    China’s ambassador to South Africa described the
    pressure for transparency as a condition of the
    conference as ‘uncalled for’. [5]

    Nonetheless Angola was to see a rare example of China
    intervening to ensure that its assistance was not put
    to improper use. On 9 December 2004 Chinese pressure
    forced the business go-between Antonio Pereira Mendes
    de Campos Van Dunem to resign from his post as
    secretary of the Angolan council of ministers after
    the British watchdog on transparency, Global Witness,
    announced that the money was in danger of being
    diverted to other uses. Some of the money went to fund
    government propaganda for the 2006 general election
    [6].

    Despite this diversion, the line of credit has also
    made possible the funding of railroad repair, road
    building, office construction, and a fiber-optic
    network [9].

    Zimbabwe

    In Zimbabwe, China has also taken the opportunity
    provided by Western disengagement and pressure for
    change, to offer itself as an alternative source of
    no-strings assistance and investment. As part of what
    Robert Mugabe calls his ‘look East’ policy, China
    delivered 12 fighter jets and 100 trucks to Zimbabwe’s
    army when the country was subject to a western arms
    embargo [10].

    In 2004 a delegation of 100 Chinese businessmen headed
    by Wu Bangguo, chair of China’s legislature, agreed
    joint venture deals in mining, transportation,
    communications and energy. [2] In addition, China was
    reported to have sent crates of T-shirts for
    supporters of the ruling party in the 2005 elections,
    and provided a radio jamming device located at a
    military base outside the capital to prevent
    independent radio stations from broadcasting during
    the election campaign.

    China was also reported to have designed Robert
    Mugabe’s new 25-bedroomed $9m mansion, and donated its
    special cobalt-blue slate roof tiles. [10] In the
    words of Emerson Mnangagwa, speaker of Zimbabwe’s
    Parliament: “With all-weather friends like the Peoples
    Republic of China...Zimbabwe will never walk alone.”

    Sierra Leone

    A football stadium in Freetown, originally donated by
    China in the 1970s, in the earlier, ideological phase
    of China’s relations with Africa, has now been joined
    by a Chinese-built government office block, parliament
    building and military headquarters. Chinese firms have
    also invested in a sugar plant, a tractor factory and
    an industrial complex, as well as renovating and
    managing the biggest hotel.

    "We like Chinese investment because we have one
    meeting, we discuss what they want to do, and then
    they just do it," Sahr Johnny, Sierra Leone's
    ambassador to Beijing, told the BBC’s Lindsey Hilsum.
    "There are no benchmarks and preconditions, no
    environmental impact assessment. If a G8 country had
    offered to rebuild the stadium, we'd still be having
    meetings about it."

    But Hilsum found that this was precisely what worried
    local anti-corruption campaigners, among them Zainab
    Bangura of Sierra Leone's National Accountability
    Group. "We've spent 15 years working on conventions
    against corruption, and now the Chinese come in and
    they haven't signed up to any of it. They're secretive
    and they only deal with governments - they don't
    consult civil society or anyone. I'm worried that
    African governments will see China as an alternative
    to G8 countries, because with the Chinese they don't
    have to worry about good governance and all that."
    [4].

    China - the new imperialist?

    Moeletsi Mbeki, deputy chairman of the South African
    Institute of International Affairs, has called the
    trade relations between South Africa and China "a
    replay of the old story of South Africa's trade with
    Europe."

    While admitting the benefits of trade, he points out
    that exports from China and Hong Kong to his country
    are double those from Africa and almost double what
    South Africa exports to China. "We sell them raw
    materials and they sell us manufactured goods with a
    predictable result - an unfavourable trade balance
    against South Africa."[2]

    In a classic re-run of the trade relations established
    by European imperialism, South Africa, like other
    African states, exports raw materials to China while
    importing cheap Chinese products which compete with,
    and undercut, local industries. The South African
    trade union federation COSATU has called for
    restriction of Chinese imports and has urged retailers
    to stock a minimum of 75% of locally made goods. [4].

    South African campaigners can point to Chinese exports
    of textiles to South Africa, which grew from 40% of
    clothing exports to 80% by the end of 2004. But local
    industry also suffers from the growth of low-cost
    Chinese exports to the USA and Europe, which cuts off
    prospective African exports in those markets. This
    effect has been particularly aggravated since the end
    of the Multi-Fibre Agreement [MFA] . ‘Once the MFA
    expired in January 2005, however, Chinese exports to
    the United States soared and African exporters found
    they could not compete. More than 10 clothing
    factories in Lesotho closed in 2005, throwing at least
    10,000 employees out of work. South Africa’s clothing
    exports to the United States dropped from $26 million
    in the first quarter of 2004 to $12 million for the
    first quarter of 2005.’ [5]

    In October 2005 trade union representatives from the
    clothing, textiles, footwear and leather sector from
    Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Madagascar, Mauritius, Namibia,
    Tanzania, Nigeria, Lesotho, Swaziland, Zambia,
    Zimbabwe and South Africa met in Cape Town to discuss
    the effects of the phasing-out of the Multi-Fibre
    Arrangement (MFA). They concluded that the African
    continent has lost more than 250 000 jobs over the
    past few years, as cheap textiles and clothing imports
    from China have flooded the domestic African markets.
    [11]

    They called for African governments to impose
    temporary safeguard measures allowed under China’s
    accession to the WTO which provide for limitations of
    7.5% on China’s percentage of the domestic market
    until 2008. The USA and EU have already concluded such
    limitation agreements which will have had a beneficial
    knock-on effect on African producers, by slowing down
    the pace at which Chinese exports to the USA and EU
    can displace African exports.

    In the words of the Eurpean Commission, their
    agreement ‘also provides a window for adaptation for
    producers in developing countries whose textile
    exports to the EU were being displaced by a surge in
    imports from China’. [12]

    Perhaps in anticipation of such a quota being imposed,
    China’s ambassador to South Africa recently announced
    that China will ‘voluntarily limit the export of
    garments and some textile items to South Africa’ [13].
    SA officials confirmed that talks were still
    continuing, and China had offered to help with
    training in the clothing and textile industries.

    The announcement got a cautious welcome from the
    industry and from the South African Clothing and
    Textile Workers Union (SACTWU) whose members had lost
    some 60,000 jobs between January 2003 and November
    2005. Industry sources claimed clothing imports from
    China had risen 40% in the previous nine months.

    In Zambia only 20 local textile factories remain out
    of 250 20 years ago, and Chinese competition is blamed
    [14] Leonard Hikaumba, president of the Zambian
    Congress of Trade Unions, bemoaned what he called the
    dumping of cheap textiles and electronics goods by
    Chinese exporters. "The beneficiaries of these are the
    exporters, not us," he said. [15]

    In Nigeria the textile and clothing workers union
    estimates some 350,000 jobs have been lost directly
    because of Chinese competition and 1.5m indirectly
    over the last five years. According to the Union’s
    secretary-general,"Most warehouses in Lagos have been
    converted to churches because there are no
    manufactured goods to warehouse."[15]

    The Kenyan clothing industry has also warned of
    further job losses as Chinese imports crowd local
    producers out of the domestic market as well as the
    European market, where quotas on Chinese imports [see
    above] are due to be relaxed. Firms in Kenya’s Export
    Processing Zone [EPZ] reported at the end of 2005 that
    14 factories had closed with the loss of 7000 jobs
    since January that year with the remainder operating
    at 50% capacity [16].

    China’s policy on arms sales has also caused concern.
    The Beijing Declaration, adopted at the first
    China-African Cooperation Forum in October 2000,
    provided that China would co-operate in stopping the
    illegal production, circulating and trafficking in
    small arms and light weapons in Africa. However
    Chinese weapons, even including land mines, have
    appeared in Burundi and the Congo, quite apart from
    the legal sales of weapons to such regimes as Zimbabwe
    and Sudan. Three small-arms factories were said to
    have been built by China outside Khartum, whose output
    was subsequently found among arms captured by southern
    rebels.

    The way forward

    It would be wrong to suggest that China’s impact only
    raises problems, or is merely a re-run of past
    imperialisms. The fact that Western corporations and
    government now face competition can give African
    states more room for manoeuvre, and an alternative to
    accepting the dictates of the IMF. Naturally, NGOs,
    human rights campaigners and trade unionists have
    concentrated on cases where this room for manoeuvre
    has been exploited by repressive regimes seeking to
    avoid pressure exerted on Western governments to
    impose some minimal human rights or environmental
    conditions. But that does not mean that the ‘Chinese
    option’ could not also be exploited to widen the room
    for all African states, not only those abusing human
    rights.

    In this respect, China’s willingness to advance a loan
    to Angola regardless of IMF conditions could prove a
    beneficial precedent in other cases. And China’s
    willingness to invest in sectors which Western
    investors have neglected, such as cotton production in
    Zambia, should be welcomed even if China sees them as
    ‘loss-leaders’ for more directly self-interested
    involvement.

    Indeed at least one US Africanist has sketched out an
    optimistic [some might say utopian] scenario in which
    the USA and China co-operate on a programme to further
    human rights and sustainable development in Africa as
    in the long-term interests of both.

    ‘The question then is does China want to be seen in
    Africa as the defender of rogue states, the more
    aggressive seeker of Africa’s natural resources,
    without regard to transparency, development and
    stability there? Is there room for developing some
    rules of the road, some common objectives, some ways
    in which Chinese economic gains for Africa (and
    itself) can come side by side with building more
    stability and democracy there? Are there incentives –
    more joint ventures, more common work on both the
    exploitation and preservation of natural resources in
    Africa (e.g., the rain forests) – that the United
    States can offer? In sum, are there more areas of
    win-win situations in Africa for both the United
    States and China? It is better to explore these
    possibilities than to start down the path of trying to
    limit Chinese influence, for the odds are against that
    happening any time soon.’ [5]

    However remote the prospect of these counsels proving
    acceptable in the corridors of power in Washington and
    Beijing, African civil society needs to consider how
    to react to China’s challenge which avoids uncritical
    acceptance on the one hand or mere rejectionism on the
    other. There are lessons to be learnt from the
    experience of other nations in the ‘majority world’ in
    engaging with China’s economic dynamism in ways which
    turn a problem into an opportunity, and encourage the
    emergence of what Chris Alden has called ‘an Africa
    that can say no’ [17].

    Regimes stigmatised in the West as ‘rogue states’,
    often with good reason, will not be willing or able to
    insist on much conditionality in return for a Chinese
    lifeline. But that should not prevent African civil
    society from researching and advancing a package of
    measures which could be put forward as a necessary
    conditional component of Chinese investment packages.
    These could include training prorammes, technology
    transfer, the fostering of local management skills,
    and the reservation of a proportion of Chinese
    investment and infrastructure projects for local firms
    and labour.

    The experience of a number of Latin American states
    may provide a model here. Brazil, Chile, Mexico and
    Venezuela have all experienced increased Chinese trade
    and investment but have combined this with positive
    trade balances, due in part to bilateral agreements
    giving preferential access for key sectors or
    products.

    Most recently, Brazil and China have agreed that China
    will set quotas for eight types of Chinese textile
    exports to Brazil, according to the Brazilian Trade
    Ministry's Web site. The products account for 60
    percent of Brazil's textile imports [18]. Further
    research and exchange of information would show how
    much of the Latin American experience could be
    generalised to provide policy conclusions applicable
    in an African context.

    Recent signs that China may be considering similar
    quotas for South Africa are encouraging, as is the
    accompanying talk of assistance for retraining and
    restructuring. But it is not unduly cynical to see
    such initiatives as an attempt to forestall stronger
    measures. A more comprehensive package, negotiated
    Africa-wide, is needed; especially since quota
    agreements under the WTO will expire in 2008, and are
    in any case open to abuse by ‘quota hopping’. [12]

    Further work could also indicate the potential for
    integrating into a single package, as Alden has
    suggested, such issues as:

    - Building on China’s existing commitment to bilateral
    debt write-offs;
    - Raising China’s dumping practices before the WTO’s
    dispute machinery; or tying Chinese action on this and
    other trade issues to further raw material agreements;
    - Promoting gains for local consumers and the local
    economy in all trade and investment deals;
    - Building on China’s existing commitment to AU
    peace-keeping in Darfur, and on the commitment in the
    2000 Beijing Declaration to control illegal arms
    sales; and seeking to extend the commitment to more
    responsible regulation of China’s own lawful arms
    sales.

    Research is also needed into the feasibility of the
    suggestion that the existing China-African Cooperation
    Forum be used as the institutional forum for such a
    process, with an agreed code of conduct reinforced by
    an annual review process, and even a parallel civil
    society forum, similar to hat introduced at South
    Africa’s suggestion into the Non-Aligned Movement’s
    summits.

    A closer study of China’s own policy-making processes
    and the development of Chinese thinking might indicate
    if the prospect of China accepting and participating
    in such a process is more than merely utopian. As
    Chris Alden concludes:

    ‘While stability is recognised to be a prerequisite
    for development, the proximity of Beijing or its
    parastatals to African governments that systematically
    abuse rights of its citizens only compromises the
    achievement of this long-term aim. After all, China
    need only hearken back to its own experience of
    decades of banditry before 1949 to recognise the
    devastating effects that externally fostered conflict
    can have upon society and the prospects for economic
    development.’

    * Send comments to [email protected]

    * Stephen Marks is a freelance writer and researcher
    specialising in
    development and human rights issues.

    References

    [1] Economic growth and soft power: China’s Africa
    Strategy
    Drew Thompson
    http://www.jamestown.org/print_frien...cle_id=2368982

    [2] China’s African Safari
    Paul Mooney
    YaleGlobal, 3 January 2005
    http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/article.print?id=5106

    [3] New highlights in China-Africa comprehensive
    cooperation
    http://english.people.com.cn/200601/...14_235306.html

    [4] The Chinese are coming
    Lindsey Hilsum
    New Statesman
    4 July 2005
    http://www.newstatesman.com/200507040007

    [5] China’s Rising Role in Africa: Presentation to the
    US-China Commission
    Princeton N. Lyman
    July 21, 2005
    http://www.cfr.org/publication/8436/...in_africa.html

    [6] China’s trade safari in Africa
    Le Monde Diplomatique
    May 2005
    Jean Christophe Servant
    http://mondediplo.com/2005/05/11chinafrica

    [7] China-Africa trade jumps by 39%
    BBC News 6 January 2006
    http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pag...ss/4587374.stm

    [8] China in Africa: all trade with no political
    baggage
    New York Times, August 8 2004
    http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/...ricantrade.htm

    [9] Boston Globe 24 December 2005
    http://www.boston.com/news/world/asi... tate?mode=PF

    [10] A rising China counters US clout in Africa
    Abraham McLaughlin
    Christian Science Monitor March 30 2005
    http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0330/p01s01-woaf.html

    [11] http://www.pambazuka.org/index.php?id=29776

    [12] The Emperor's New Clothing Deals
    Business Day (Johannesburg)
    February 21, 2006
    http://allafrica.com/stories/printab...602210354.html

    [13] Textiles: China Voluntarily Cuts Back Exports to
    South Africa
    20-01-06
    http://www.agoa.info/news.php?story=629

    [14]
    http://www.panos.org.uk/global/tradi...s_feature2.asp

    [15] ‘Tsunami of cheap goods’ overwhelm African jobs
    Reuters, 20-12-05
    http://www.nzherald.co.nz/category/p...ectid=10360687

    [16]
    http://www.textileandapparel.com/sto...1/22/202435/17

    [17] Leveraging the Dragon: Toward "An Africa That Can
    Say No"
    Chris Alden
    eAfrica, 1 March 2005
    http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id=5336

    [18] Domestic textile exports to face quotas in Brazil
    China Economic Net 13 Feb 2006
    http://en-1.ce.cn/Business/Macro-eco..._6065807.shtml

    http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/32432
     
  5. Omowale Jabali

    Omowale Jabali The Cosmic Journeyman PREMIUM MEMBER

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    Nigeria is only one of many african oil-exporting countries that china has developed trade relations with.
     
  6. Omowale Jabali

    Omowale Jabali The Cosmic Journeyman PREMIUM MEMBER

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    good points!
     
  7. kemetkind

    kemetkind Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    good net reseach

    Excellent Article Brother Ikahn. This article and your references can bring us up to speed on multi-facted nature of this issue.


     
  8. capri59

    capri59 New Member MEMBER

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    China in Africa Debate

    [QUOTE/] Excellent Article Brother Ikahn. This article and your references can bring us up to speed on multi-facted nature of this issue.[/QUOTE]

    As a Kenyan living in Canada, I do not see any danger in Chinese investment in Africa. The Chinese are genuine in seeing some development made in Africa unlike the MNC's of America and Europe who reap the resources living nothing behind, except for poisoned grounds and waters and disease. The real danger to Africa is AFRICOM, the USA Command in Africa, an arm of international Wealthy investors who seek to appropriate African resources for their own benefits.

    The person that posted all those articles above is pro-America, pro-West, who feel threatened by the strong Chinese economy. See this:

    Chinese and Asian investment in African Agriculture is a boon to local economies as Africa is a large continent even though everyone talks of Africa as if it is their backyard. Check your stats. Africa=USA+China+India+Australia!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

    Yes, that big!! The losers of investment in Agriculture are the West who dominate the trade in food and commodities and are are now artificially inflating food prices through speculation. They depend on export of food to Asian countries and their big populations and they will lose business. They do not really care for Africa: they like to keep us in poverty forever. These days they even fund only their NGOs, many of which represent their interests, not African people.

    China owns America (through DEBT) and I hope they will soon squeeze hard so America can desist its attempt to control the World and recolonize Africa.

    The only thing that I do not want to see in Africa is the migration of Chinese poeple.......Africa is a land for black people where we can be proud without being discriminated or denied opportunities to advance.
     
  9. KEMAKIL

    KEMAKIL Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    QUOTE/]
    The only thing that I do not want to see in Africa is the migration of Chinese poeple.......Africa is a land for black people where we can be proud without being discriminated or denied opportunities to advance.[/QUOTE]

    I don't know if they will stay, but this story says 10s of thousands of Chinese are working in Angola.
    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7047127.stm
     
  10. Blaklioness

    Blaklioness Well-Known Member MEMBER

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    As a Kenyan living in Canada, I do not see any danger in Chinese investment in Africa. The Chinese are genuine in seeing some development made in Africa unlike the MNC's of America and Europe who reap the resources living nothing behind, except for poisoned grounds and waters and disease. The real danger to Africa is AFRICOM, the USA Command in Africa, an arm of international Wealthy investors who seek to appropriate African resources for their own benefits.

    The person that posted all those articles above is pro-America, pro-West, who feel threatened by the strong Chinese economy. See this:

    Chinese and Asian investment in African Agriculture is a boon to local economies as Africa is a large continent even though everyone talks of Africa as if it is their backyard. Check your stats. Africa=USA+China+India+Australia!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

    Yes, that big!! The losers of investment in Agriculture are the West who dominate the trade in food and commodities and are are now artificially inflating food prices through speculation. They depend on export of food to Asian countries and their big populations and they will lose business. They do not really care for Africa: they like to keep us in poverty forever. These days they even fund only their NGOs, many of which represent their interests, not African people.

    China owns America (through DEBT) and I hope they will soon squeeze hard so America can desist its attempt to control the World and recolonize Africa.

    The only thing that I do not want to see in Africa is the migration of Chinese poeple.......Africa is a land for black people where we can be proud without being discriminated or denied opportunities to advance.[/QUOTE]





    smh...people cannot be that deluded. It's impossible. Do you think they are coming over there to be fair? Asians and Europeans occupy the same land mass and BOTH have a history of thinking the same way where Black people are concerned.

    Please pay CAREFUL attention to part 3:


    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0XPxgmbWzIY&feature=related (Part 1)

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KttIBl-rKWI&feature=related (Part 2)

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sJXSRARLxQI&NR=1 (Part 3)
     
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